Skip to Content Facebook Feature Image

Files reveal details of US support for Indonesian massacre

News

Files reveal details of US support for Indonesian massacre
News

News

Files reveal details of US support for Indonesian massacre

2017-10-18 17:03 Last Updated At:17:03

Declassified files have revealed new details of U.S. government knowledge and support of an Indonesian army extermination campaign that killed several hundred thousand civilians during anti-communist hysteria in the mid-1960s.

The thousands of files from the U.S. Embassy in Jakarta covering 1963-66 were made public Tuesday after a declassification review that began under the Obama administration. The Associated Press reviewed key documents in the collection in advance of their release.

More Images
In this Sunday, Oct. 15, 2017, photo, visitors take photos taken near the statues of the seven Army officers who were killed in an abortive coup in 1965 that the military blamed on Indonesia's Communist Party and subsequently led to the anti-communist purge in 1965-1966, at Pancasila Sakti Monument in Jakarta, Indonesia. (AP Photo/Dita Alangkara)

Declassified files have revealed new details of U.S. government knowledge and support of an Indonesian army extermination campaign that killed several hundred thousand civilians during anti-communist hysteria in the mid-1960s.

FILE - In this Sept. 3, 2016 file photo, Asrori, left, and Sukar, eye witnesses to the aftermath of an execution of local communist party members in 1965, clean up dry leaves around the monument erected at the site of a mass grave in Plumbon village, Central Java, Indonesia. (AP Photo/Dita Alangkara, File)

The files fill out the picture of a devastating reign of terror by the Indonesian army and Muslim groups that has been sketched by historians and in a U.S. State Department volume that was declassified in 2001 despite a last-minute CIA effort to block its distribution.

FILE - In this Oct. 30, 1965, file photo, members of the Youth Wing of the Indonesian Communist Party (Pemuda Rakjat) are watched by soldiers as they are taken to prison in Jakarta following a crackdown on communists after an abortive coup against President Sukarno's government earlier in the month. (AP Photo/File)

The newly released files underline the U.S. Embassy's and State Department's early, detailed and ongoing knowledge of the killings and eagerness to avoid doing anything that would hinder the Indonesian army. Historians had already established that the U.S. provided lists of senior communist party officials, radio equipment and money as part of active support for the army.

In this Sunday, Oct. 15, 2017, photo, an army officer speaks to school children to explain the details of the Pancasila Sakti Monument which was built to commemorate an abortive coup in 1965 that the military blamed on Indonesia's Communist Party and subsequently led to the anti-communist purge in 1965-1966, in Jakarta, Indonesia.(AP Photo/Dita Alangkara)

The documents specifically mention mass killings ordered by Suharto, a general who within months would seize total power and rule Indonesia for more than three decades, and the pivotal role in carrying out the massacres by groups that today remain Indonesia's biggest mainstream Muslim organizations: Nahdlatul Ulama, its youth wing Ansor and Muhammadiyah.

In this Sunday, Oct. 15, 2017, photo, visitors look at an old well where six Indonesian Army generals and a junior officer were buried in an abortive coup in 1965 that the military blamed on Indonesia's Communist Party and subsequently led to the anti-communist purge in 1965-1966, at Pancasila Sakti Monument in Jakarta, Indonesia. (AP Photo/Dita Alangkara)

A cable that was part of the 2001 State Department volume showed that by April 1966, the embassy was staggered by the scale of the murders and acknowledged, "We frankly do not know whether the real figure is closer to 100,000 or 1,000,000." Even the Indonesian government had only a "vague idea" of the true number, the cable said.

In this Sunday, Oct. 15, 2017, photo, visitors look at a diorama depicting the torture and killing of six army generals and a junior officer in an abortive coup in 1965 that the military blamed on Indonesia's Communist Party and subsequently led to the anti-communist purge in 1965-1966, at Pancasila Sakti Monument in Jakarta, Indonesia. (AP Photo/Dita Alangkara)

"The mass killings of 1965-66 are among the world's worst crimes against humanity, and our country's darkest secret," said Veronica Koman, an Indonesian human rights lawyer. "The 1965-66 survivors are all very old now, and I'm afraid that they will not see justice before they die. Hopefully with these cables coming to light, the truth can emerge and perpetrators can be held accountable."

In this Sunday, Oct. 15, 2017, photo, visitors take photos taken near the statues of the seven Army officers who were killed in an abortive coup in 1965 that the military blamed on Indonesia's Communist Party and subsequently led to the anti-communist purge in 1965-1966, at Pancasila Sakti Monument in Jakarta, Indonesia. (AP Photo/Dita Alangkara)

In this Sunday, Oct. 15, 2017, photo, visitors take photos taken near the statues of the seven Army officers who were killed in an abortive coup in 1965 that the military blamed on Indonesia's Communist Party and subsequently led to the anti-communist purge in 1965-1966, at Pancasila Sakti Monument in Jakarta, Indonesia. (AP Photo/Dita Alangkara)

The files fill out the picture of a devastating reign of terror by the Indonesian army and Muslim groups that has been sketched by historians and in a U.S. State Department volume that was declassified in 2001 despite a last-minute CIA effort to block its distribution.

In 1965, Indonesia had the world's third-largest communist party after China and the Soviet Union, with several million members, and the country's president, the charismatic Sukarno, was vociferously socialist and anti-American.

U.S. officials despaired of Indonesia's apparently unstoppable drift into the communist fold and were ecstatic when conservative generals imposed martial law in Jakarta, seized state radio and set out to annihilate the country's communist party on the pretext that it had tried to overthrow the government. Within months, the army would prevail in its power struggle with Sukarno, shifting Indonesia's political orientation to the U.S. and opening its huge market to American companies.

FILE - In this Sept. 3, 2016 file photo, Asrori, left, and Sukar, eye witnesses to the aftermath of an execution of local communist party members in 1965, clean up dry leaves around the monument erected at the site of a mass grave in Plumbon village, Central Java, Indonesia. (AP Photo/Dita Alangkara, File)

FILE - In this Sept. 3, 2016 file photo, Asrori, left, and Sukar, eye witnesses to the aftermath of an execution of local communist party members in 1965, clean up dry leaves around the monument erected at the site of a mass grave in Plumbon village, Central Java, Indonesia. (AP Photo/Dita Alangkara, File)

The newly released files underline the U.S. Embassy's and State Department's early, detailed and ongoing knowledge of the killings and eagerness to avoid doing anything that would hinder the Indonesian army. Historians had already established that the U.S. provided lists of senior communist party officials, radio equipment and money as part of active support for the army.

The documents also show that U.S. officials had credible information that contradicted the Indonesian army's lurid story that the kidnapping and killing of seven generals in an abortive coup by junior officers on Sept. 30, 1965, which paved the way for the bloodbath, was ordered by the Indonesian communist party and Beijing.

FILE - In this Oct. 30, 1965, file photo, members of the Youth Wing of the Indonesian Communist Party (Pemuda Rakjat) are watched by soldiers as they are taken to prison in Jakarta following a crackdown on communists after an abortive coup against President Sukarno's government earlier in the month. (AP Photo/File)

FILE - In this Oct. 30, 1965, file photo, members of the Youth Wing of the Indonesian Communist Party (Pemuda Rakjat) are watched by soldiers as they are taken to prison in Jakarta following a crackdown on communists after an abortive coup against President Sukarno's government earlier in the month. (AP Photo/File)

The documents specifically mention mass killings ordered by Suharto, a general who within months would seize total power and rule Indonesia for more than three decades, and the pivotal role in carrying out the massacres by groups that today remain Indonesia's biggest mainstream Muslim organizations: Nahdlatul Ulama, its youth wing Ansor and Muhammadiyah.

A Dec. 21, 1965, cable from the embassy's first secretary, Mary Vance Trent, to the State Department referred to events as a "fantastic switch which has occurred over 10 short weeks." It also included an estimate that 100,000 people had been slaughtered.

In Bali alone, some 10,000 people had been killed by mid-December, including the parents and distant relatives of the island's pro-communist governor, and the slaughter was continuing, the cable said. Two months later, another embassy cable cited estimates that the killings in Bali had swelled to 80,000.

In this Sunday, Oct. 15, 2017, photo, an army officer speaks to school children to explain the details of the Pancasila Sakti Monument which was built to commemorate an abortive coup in 1965 that the military blamed on Indonesia's Communist Party and subsequently led to the anti-communist purge in 1965-1966, in Jakarta, Indonesia.(AP Photo/Dita Alangkara)

In this Sunday, Oct. 15, 2017, photo, an army officer speaks to school children to explain the details of the Pancasila Sakti Monument which was built to commemorate an abortive coup in 1965 that the military blamed on Indonesia's Communist Party and subsequently led to the anti-communist purge in 1965-1966, in Jakarta, Indonesia.(AP Photo/Dita Alangkara)

A cable that was part of the 2001 State Department volume showed that by April 1966, the embassy was staggered by the scale of the murders and acknowledged, "We frankly do not know whether the real figure is closer to 100,000 or 1,000,000." Even the Indonesian government had only a "vague idea" of the true number, the cable said.

The release of the documents coincides with an upsurge in anti-communist rhetoric in Indonesia, where communism remains a frequently invoked boogeyman for conservatives despite the collapse of the Soviet Union nearly three decades ago and China's embrace of global capitalism.

Discussion of the 1965-66 period that departs from the Suharto era's partly fictional account of a heroic national uprising against communism is still discouraged. A landmark symposium last year that brought together aging survivors of the bloodbath and government ministers sparked a furious backlash. And last month, an anti-communist mob led by retired generals attacked a building in central Jakarta where activists had planned to discuss the killings.

In this Sunday, Oct. 15, 2017, photo, visitors look at an old well where six Indonesian Army generals and a junior officer were buried in an abortive coup in 1965 that the military blamed on Indonesia's Communist Party and subsequently led to the anti-communist purge in 1965-1966, at Pancasila Sakti Monument in Jakarta, Indonesia. (AP Photo/Dita Alangkara)

In this Sunday, Oct. 15, 2017, photo, visitors look at an old well where six Indonesian Army generals and a junior officer were buried in an abortive coup in 1965 that the military blamed on Indonesia's Communist Party and subsequently led to the anti-communist purge in 1965-1966, at Pancasila Sakti Monument in Jakarta, Indonesia. (AP Photo/Dita Alangkara)

"The mass killings of 1965-66 are among the world's worst crimes against humanity, and our country's darkest secret," said Veronica Koman, an Indonesian human rights lawyer. "The 1965-66 survivors are all very old now, and I'm afraid that they will not see justice before they die. Hopefully with these cables coming to light, the truth can emerge and perpetrators can be held accountable."

U.S. Senator Tom Udall, who in 2015 introduced a resolution in the Senate urging Indonesia's government to create a truth and reconciliation commission, said the U.S. must also confront its role in these "terrible acts."

Indonesia's Muslim mass organizations are among those reluctant to face scrutiny for their role, which in the fevered atmosphere of 1965 was characterized by Islamic leaders as a holy war against atheists.

In this Sunday, Oct. 15, 2017, photo, visitors look at a diorama depicting the torture and killing of six army generals and a junior officer in an abortive coup in 1965 that the military blamed on Indonesia's Communist Party and subsequently led to the anti-communist purge in 1965-1966, at Pancasila Sakti Monument in Jakarta, Indonesia. (AP Photo/Dita Alangkara)

In this Sunday, Oct. 15, 2017, photo, visitors look at a diorama depicting the torture and killing of six army generals and a junior officer in an abortive coup in 1965 that the military blamed on Indonesia's Communist Party and subsequently led to the anti-communist purge in 1965-1966, at Pancasila Sakti Monument in Jakarta, Indonesia. (AP Photo/Dita Alangkara)

Under the direction of the army, the Muslim organizations Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah were enthusiastic participants in mass murder, carrying out indiscriminate killings as well as organized executions, according to the documents. They also mention the army's recruiting of Catholics to help with its extermination campaign in central Java.

A December 1965 cable from the U.S. Consulate in Medan, Indonesia, reported that preachers in Muhammadiyah mosques were telling congregations that all who joined the communist party must be killed, saying they are the "lowest order of infidel, the shedding of whose blood is comparable to killing chicken."

A detailed four-page report covering mid- to late November 1965 by the U.S. Embassy's political affairs officer, Edward E. Masters, discussed the spread of mass executions to several provinces and the role of youth groups in helping to solve the "main problem" of where to house and what to feed PKI prisoners. PKI is the Indonesian acronym for the country's communist party.

"Many provinces appear to be successfully meeting this problem by executing their PKI prisoners, or killing them before they are captured, a task in which Moslem youth groups are providing assistance," the report said. A cable from earlier in the month mentions an estimated 62,000 prisoners in the province of Central Java alone.

Ansor, the youth arm of Nahdlatul Ulama, was responsible for "brutal attacks" on communists, according to a Dec. 10, 1965, cable, but also caused problems by doing the same to non-communists involved in personal feuds with its members.

Possibly the earliest mention of systematic bloodshed in cables to Washington is a mid-October 1965 record of conversations between the embassy's second secretary and Bujung Nasution, a special assistant to Indonesia's attorney general involved with intelligence matters. Like other intermediaries of the Indonesian army and its allies sent to approach the embassy, Nasution was apparently trying to assess whether the U.S. would object to the extermination campaign.

According to Nasution, the army had already executed many cadres, but this information, he said, must be closely held because the army needed more time to break the communists.

The memo described Nasution as alarmed that reports of atrocities had been leaked to the Malaysian press. It said he warned that it was critical that Sukarno did not learn of the extent of the army's repression, especially from the foreign media.

In response, the second secretary, Robert G. Rich, reassured Nasution.

The U.S. government was fully aware of the sensitive nature of the current events, said Rich, and was "making every effort to avoid stimulating press speculation."

Next Article

TikTok may be banned in the US. Here's what happened when India did it

2024-04-24 17:52 Last Updated At:18:01

NEW DELHI (AP) — The hugely popular Chinese app TikTok may be forced out of the U.S., where a measure to outlaw the video-sharing app has won congressional approval and is on its way to President Biden for his signature.

In India, the app was banned nearly four years ago. Here's what happened:

In June 2020, TikTok users in India bid goodbye to the app, which is operated by Chinese internet firm ByteDance. New Delhi had suddenly banned the popular app, alongside dozens other Chinese apps, following a military clash along the India-China border. Twenty Indian and four Chinese soldiers were killed, and ties between the two Asian giants plunged to a new low.

The government cited privacy concerns and said that Chinese apps pose a threat to India’s sovereignty and security.

The move mostly drew widespread support in India, where protesters had been calling for a boycott of Chinese goods since the deadly confrontation in the remote Karakoram mountain border region.

“There was a clamour leading up to this, and the popular narrative was how can we allow Chinese companies to do business in India when we’re in the middle of a military standoff,” said Nikhil Pahwa, a digital policy expert and founder of tech website MediaNama.

Just months before the ban, India had also restricted investment from Chinese companies, Pahwa added. “TikTok wasn’t a one-off case. Today, India has banned over 500 Chinese apps to date.”

At the time, India had about 200 million TikTok users, the most outside of China. And the company also employed thousands of Indians.

TikTok users and content creators, however, needed a place to go — and the ban provided a multi-billion dollar opportunity to snatch up a big market. Within months, Google rolled out YouTube Shorts and Instagram pushed out its Reels feature. Both mimicked the short-form video creation that TikTok had excelled at.

“And they ended up capturing most of the market that TikTok had vacated,” said Pahwa.

In India, TikTok content was hyperlocal, which made it quite unique. It opened a window into the lives of small-town India, with videos coming from tier 2 and 3 cities that showed people doing tricks while laying down bricks, for example.

But for the most part, content creators and users in the four years since the ban have moved on to other platforms.

Winnie Sangma misses posting videos on TikTok and earning a bit of money. But after the ban, he migrated to Instagram and now has 15,000 followers. The process, for the most part, has been relatively painless.

“I have built up followers on Instagram too, and I am making money from it, but the experience isn’t like how it used to be on TikTok,” he said.

Rajib Dutta, a frequent scroller on TikTok, also switched to Instagram after the ban. “It wasn’t really a big deal,” he said.

The legislation to outlaw the app has won congressional approval and now awaits a signature from Biden.

The measure gives ByteDance, the app’s parent company, nine months to sell it, and three more if a sale is underway. If this doesn’t happen, TikTok will be banned. It would take at least a year before a ban goes into effect, but with likely court challenges, it could stretch longer.

In India, the ban in 2020 was swift. TikTok and other companies were given time to respond to questions on privacy and security, and by January 2021, it became a permanent ban.

But the situation in the U.S. is different, said Pahwa. “In India, TikTok decided not to go to court, but the U.S. is a bigger revenue market for them. Also, the Fourth Amendment in America is fairly strong, so it’s not going to be as easy for the U.S. to do this as it was for India.”

As Chinese apps proliferate across the world, Pahwa says countries need to assess their dependency on China and develop a way to reduce it as the apps can pose a national security risk.

The app is also banned in Pakistan, Nepal and Afghanistan and restricted in many countries in Europe.

“Chinese intelligence law and its cybersecurity law can allow Chinese apps to work in the interest of their own security. That creates a situation of distrust and it becomes a national security risk for others,” said Pahwa.

“There should be different rules for democratic countries and for authoritarian regimes where companies can act as an extension of the state,” he added.

FILE- Activists of Jammu and Kashmir Dogra Front shout slogans against Chinese President Xi Jinping next to a banner showing the logos of TikTok and other Chinese apps banned in India during a protest in Jammu, India, July 1, 2020. (AP Photo/Channi Anand, File)

FILE- Activists of Jammu and Kashmir Dogra Front shout slogans against Chinese President Xi Jinping next to a banner showing the logos of TikTok and other Chinese apps banned in India during a protest in Jammu, India, July 1, 2020. (AP Photo/Channi Anand, File)

Recommended Articles