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Sackler money complicates donation policies for museums

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Sackler money complicates donation policies for museums
News

News

Sackler money complicates donation policies for museums

2019-09-18 13:13 Last Updated At:13:20

Ask the CEO and president of the Metropolitan Museum of Art whether he's accepting money from the Sacklers, the billionaire dynasty notorious for its ties to the drug company Purdue Pharma, and the answer is somewhat complicated.

For one thing, it depends on which Sackler.

"There are people who have the name 'Sackler' who have nothing to do with the Purdue Pharma situation," Daniel H. Weiss says. "If it's someone tied up with the leadership at Purdue Pharma, we step away."

FILE - In this Friday, April 12, 2019 file photo, Cheryl Juaire, of Marlborough, Mass., center, leads a protest near the Arthur M. Sackler Museum at Harvard University, in Cambridge, Mass. Harvard University, where protesters have demanded the school rename the Arthur M. Sackler Museum, also cited contractual reasons for keeping the name and said that the Sacklers donated money before the development of OxyContin. (AP PhotoJosh Reynolds, File)

FILE - In this Friday, April 12, 2019 file photo, Cheryl Juaire, of Marlborough, Mass., center, leads a protest near the Arthur M. Sackler Museum at Harvard University, in Cambridge, Mass. Harvard University, where protesters have demanded the school rename the Arthur M. Sackler Museum, also cited contractual reasons for keeping the name and said that the Sacklers donated money before the development of OxyContin. (AP PhotoJosh Reynolds, File)

Purdue Pharma recently filed for bankruptcy as part of a plan by the maker of OxyContin to settle thousands of lawsuits from state and local governments over the nation's opioid crisis. The Sacklers, who own Purdue, were listed by Forbes magazine in 2016 as one of the 20 wealthiest families in the U.S. and have contributed money to cultural institutions around the world.

The family has pushed back against accusations that Purdue played a central role in the deadly epidemic, but the legal battles have led some to sever ties with the relatives. The allegations have also heightened a debate over how much museums should rely on the support of the rich and what, if any, conditions should be imposed on their gifts.

For museums in the U.S. especially, where private funding can account for more than three quarters of an annual budget, the decision to cut off a wealthy contributor such as the Sacklers or Jeffrey Epstein is sometimes a choice between upholding their stated values and being able to communicate those values through the art they champion.

FILE - In this Tuesday, Aug. 6, 2019 file photo is the entrance of the Rooksnest estate near Lambourn, England. The property belongs to the Sackler family, owners of Purdue Pharma based in Stamford, Conn. The allegations surrounding wealthy donors such as the Sackler family have raised questions for the museums they supported, including whether to keep the family's name on prominent galleries. (AP PhotoFrank Augstein, File)

FILE - In this Tuesday, Aug. 6, 2019 file photo is the entrance of the Rooksnest estate near Lambourn, England. The property belongs to the Sackler family, owners of Purdue Pharma based in Stamford, Conn. The allegations surrounding wealthy donors such as the Sackler family have raised questions for the museums they supported, including whether to keep the family's name on prominent galleries. (AP PhotoFrank Augstein, File)

"We live in populist times, with more awareness of economic and political inequality and more scrutiny of the wealthy," says David Callahan, author of "The Givers" and founder of the online site Inside Philanthropy. "This greater scrutiny is overdue, but it's creating lots of anxiety in nonprofit institutions with strong ties to America's far upper class."

Over the past year, the Tate museums in London and the Guggenheim in New York are among those that announced they would no longer accept money from the Sacklers. Other institutions have not entirely distanced themselves, citing legal reasons and other factors.

Last spring, the Met announced it would no longer accept gifts from Sackler family members closely connected to Purdue Pharma, but would allow for donations from those not involved. (Various Sacklers have denounced Purdue Pharma and called for some form of atonement).

The Met is not renaming its Sackler Wing, because, Weiss says, it's contractually obligated. In Washington, the Smithsonian Institution rejected calls to remove the Sackler name from the Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, which opened in 1987 after Arthur Sackler (who died the same year) donated more than 1,000 works of Asian art and millions of dollars for construction.

In a recent statement to The Associated Press, the Smithsonian said the gallery was named in "recognition of Sackler's generous gift" and that the donation agreement requires the Smithsonian to keep the name in "perpetuity."

The Smithsonian added that it is no longer "seeking" money from the Sacklers and that in 2011 it changed its gift policy so that a name could be changed after 20 years or when a space gets its next major renovation.

Smithsonian chief spokeswoman Linda St. Thomas said control over exhibitions "rests solely with the Smithsonian" and that all gifts over $1 million are reviewed by leadership and approved by the Board of Regents.

Harvard University, where protesters have demanded the school rename the Arthur M. Sackler Museum, also cited contractual reasons for keeping the name and said that the Sacklers donated money before the development of OxyContin.

Philanthropy has a long history of conflict in the U.S., dating back to when steel magnate Andrew Carnegie spent vast amounts of money on libraries, schools and other educational facilities even as his workers protested their low wages.

More recent examples include the University of Southern California School of Cinematic Arts, which rejected $5 million from Harvey Weinstein, and Chicago's Field Museum, which divested its financial portfolio from fossil fuels.

The definition of a toxic donor "is vague and keeps changing," Callahan says. He cited the resignation of Warren Kanders from the board of the Whitney Museum after protests about his company's sale of tear gas used at the U.S.-Mexico border and elsewhere. Previously, Kanders' business had not been grounds for being pushed off the board.

"But in this highly charged political climate, the way a wealthy individual is seen can change rapidly," Callahan said.

Weiss wonders if the Met would now accept money from Carnegie or fellow tycoon John D. Rockefeller, both infamous for their monopolistic business practices. The Met has received millions from controversial donors, notably David H. Koch, who died last month. Koch and his older brother Charles were leading right-wing benefactors reviled by environmentalists and others for casting doubt on man-made climate change and opposing efforts to fight global warming through reducing greenhouse gas emissions.

David Koch was on the Met's board of trustees and contributed $65 million to a renovation of the plaza in front, named David H. Koch Plaza by the Met in 2014. The museum at the time defended the decision, which led to protests, saying it was a fitting honor for Koch's "generosity and level of commitment."

The Met does not "administer a partisan test for our donors — rather we accept gifts from those who seek to join in advancing our mission," Weiss said.

"It's equally important," he added, "to recognize that gift acceptance administration requires continual review ... as the landscape of cultural values, laws and facts change, and a bright line is often an imprecise instrument."

JERUSALEM (AP) — Yemen's Houthi rebels on Saturday claimed shooting down another of the U.S. military's MQ-9 Reaper drones, airing footage of parts that corresponded to known pieces of the unmanned aircraft.

The Houthis said they shot down the Predator with a surface-to-air missile, part of a renewed series of assaults this week by the rebels after a relative lull in their pressure campaign over the Israel-Hamas war in the Gaza Strip.

U.S. Air Force Lt. Col. Bryon J. McGarry, a Defense Department spokesperson, acknowledged to The Associated Press on Saturday that “a U.S. Air Force MQ-9 drone crashed in Yemen.” He said an investigation was underway, without elaborating.

The Houthis described the downing as happening Thursday over their stronghold in the country's Saada province.

Footage released by the Houthis included what they described as the missile launch targeting the drone, with a man off-camera reciting the Houthi's slogan after it was hit: “God is the greatest; death to America; death to Israel; curse the Jews; victory to Islam.”

The footage included several close-ups on parts of the drone that included the logo of General Atomics, which manufactures the drone, and serial numbers corresponding with known parts made by the company.

Since the Houthis seized the country’s north and its capital of Sanaa in 2014, the U.S. military has lost at least five drones to the rebels counting Thursday's shootdown — in 2017, 2019, 2023 and this year.

Reapers, which cost around $30 million apiece, can fly at altitudes up to 50,000 feet and have an endurance of up to 24 hours before needing to land.

The drone shootdown comes as the Houthis launch attacks on shipping in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden, demanding Israel ends the war in Gaza, which has killed more than 34,000 Palestinians there. The war began after Hamas-led militants attacked Israel on Oct. 7, killing 1,200 people and taking some 250 others hostage.

The Houthis have launched more than 50 attacks on shipping, seized one vessel and sank another since November, according to the U.S. Maritime Administration.

Houthi attacks have dropped in recent weeks as the rebels have been targeted by a U.S.-led airstrike campaign in Yemen. Shipping through the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden has declined because of the threat. American officials have speculated that the rebels may be running out of weapons as a result of the U.S.-led campaign against them and after firing drones and missiles steadily in the last months. However, the rebels have renewed their attacks in the last week.

A Houthi supporter raises a mock rocket during a rally against the U.S. and Israel and to support Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, in Sanaa, Yemen, Friday, April. 26, 2024. (AP Photo/Osamah Abdulrahman)

A Houthi supporter raises a mock rocket during a rally against the U.S. and Israel and to support Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, in Sanaa, Yemen, Friday, April. 26, 2024. (AP Photo/Osamah Abdulrahman)

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