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Saudi sisters' tragic end in NY shows perils for runaways

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Saudi sisters' tragic end in NY shows perils for runaways
News

News

Saudi sisters' tragic end in NY shows perils for runaways

2018-11-11 14:56 Last Updated At:11-12 13:24

The deaths of two young Saudi sisters, whose bodies washed up along the New York City waterfront last month, have shined a light on the often secretive and risky journeys Saudi women take to flee their homes, both within the kingdom and abroad.

Tala Farea, 16, and Rotana Farea, 23, ran away from home in Fairfax, Virginia before being placed in a shelter amid allegations they were abused at home. They then made their way to New York City, staying in high-end hotels and eventually maxing out the older sister's credit card.

What happened next is still under investigation. Their bodies, fully clothed and showing no obvious signs of trauma, were found Oct. 24 along the rocky banks of the Hudson River wrapped together with tape.

New York City Police Chief of Detectives Dermot Shea said people who knew the Farea sisters in Virginia told investigators that they made statements within the last year indicating "that they would rather inflict harm on themselves — commit suicide — than return to Saudi Arabia."

That may be because in Saudi Arabia, women who try and flee have few good options. Under the kingdom's guardianship system women must have the approval of a male relative — such as a father, husband, brother, or even a son — to marry, obtain a passport or travel.

"The fact that they continue to be subjected to the guardianship system ... to the more sort of sinister issues which include physical or sexual abuse that they face at home, we've seen women in all these cases attempt to flee," said Human Rights Watch researcher Adam Coogle.

Coogle said there are also women being pressured into marriages against their will. He did not specifically discuss the Farea sisters as their case is still under investigation.

In other instances, women are being barred by their guardians from marrying or their salaries are being confiscated.

If women who run away are caught, they can be pressured to return home or placed in shelters where often the only way out is to escape again. Others are jailed and only a male guardian can sign for their release.

Last year, Saudi women's rights activist Mariam al-Otaibi spent more than 100 days in the women's section of al-Malaz prison in Riyadh after her father filed a complaint to police against her for leaving home. She'd moved from the ultraconservative province of Qassim to the capital, where supporters helped her rent an apartment and find work.

She was released after her case attracted the attention of activists and rights groups.

Also last year, a plea for help by a 24-year-old Saudi woman triggered a firestorm on social media with people seeking details about her disappearance. In an online video, Dina Ali Lasloom said her passport was confiscated at an airport in the Philippines on her way to Australia where she planned to seek asylum.

Women's rights advocates in Saudi Arabia said Lasloom was ultimately forced to board a plane to the kingdom with two of her uncles, who flew from Riyadh to stop her. They said authorities then took her to a women's shelter because of the attention around her case. A Saudi woman who tried to meet Lasloom at the airport in Riyadh to assist her was detained for several days by authorities.

A group of Saudi women's rights activists had raised money locally for runaways and were planning to start a non-governmental organization to shelter abused women. But in May, authorities arrested at least nine of them and three of their male supporters. They remain detained on vague charges related to national security.

For runaway Saudi women, fleeing can be a matter of life and death, and they are almost always doing so to escape male relatives.

It's a problem Saudi society is grappling with. State-aligned newspapers report when women flee shelters and articles question the level of care and support women receive at such facilities.

The shelters have been described by Saudi activists as prison-like. Women inside cannot freely access the internet or mobile phones, their movements are restricted and often the only way to leave is with the signature of a male guardian. The shelters say they offer women psychiatric care and therapy, but do not take in women who, for example, are pregnant out of wedlock. Premarital sex can lead to criminal prosecution in Saudi Arabia and other Muslim countries.

The most recent statistics from the Ministry of Labor and Social Development show that 577 Saudi women tried to flee their homes in 2015. That figure is likely to be much higher in reality because many families don't report runaways due to social stigma.

The Farea sisters had moved to the U.S. from Saudi Arabia with their mother and two brothers in 2015. The father spent time between the two countries, according to Arab News, which spoke to a relative.

Investigators say they believe the Farea sisters had filed for asylum. One of the problems women face in seeking asylum, though, is proving abuse.

"You have to have evidence for it and unless you have a threatening text (message), you may not have a very good asylum case," said Coogle of Human Rights Watch.

After the Farea sisters died, witness called police with something he said had been "haunting" him. He'd seen the sisters standing apart at Riverside Park in New York, with their heads bowed into their hands praying loudly hours before their bodies were found. Investigators have stopped short of saying the sisters killed themselves, but say they have "no credible information that any crime took place."

The sisters' bodies were returned to Saudi Arabia on Nov. 3 and they were buried the same day in Medina — home to one of Islam's holiest sites where the Prophet Muhammad is buried.

"This is a tragedy all the way around," said Shea, the chief of detectives in New York.

Follow Aya Batrawy on Twitter at https://twitter.com/ayaelb .

NEW YORK (AP) — President Donald Trump a week ago told the credit card industry it had until Jan. 20 to comply with his demand for a 10% cap on interest rates. With just days to go, consumer groups, politicians, and bankers alike remain unclear on what the White House has planned and whether Trump even remains serious about the idea.

So far, the White House has not provided any detail about what will happen to credit card companies that don’t lower card rates. White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt said the president has “an expectation” that credit card companies will accede to his demand that they cap interest rates on credit cards at 10%.

“I don’t have a specific consequence to outline for you but certainly this is an expectation and frankly a demand that the president has made,” she said Friday.

A researcher who studied Trump’s proposal when Trump first floated it during the 2024 presidential campaign found that Americans would save roughly $100 billion in interest a year if credit card rates were capped at 10%. The same researchers found that while the credit card industry would take a major hit, it would still be profitable, although credit card rewards and other perks might be scaled back. The administration has amplified that research, posting it on one of the White House’s official Twitter pages.

Bank lobbyists, many who have been spending much of the past week scrambling to figure out what the White House has planned for their industry, have been left in the dark. There have been bills introduced into both houses of Congress by both Republicans and Democrats this year and years past, but House and Senate Republican leadership have been cold to the idea of passing a law capping interest rates.

The Dodd-Frank Act, the law passed after the 2008 financial crisis that overhauled the financial industry, explicitly prohibits at least one federal bank regulator from setting usury limits on loans.

Without a law or executive order, it may simply come down to Trump using political pressure to force the credit card industry to do what he wants, as he’s done with other industries. For example, Trump demanded that pharmaceutical companies cut drug prices, which resulted in some pledges by drug industry CEOs to do what he asked. Trump also demanded chip makers and tech companies move production to the U.S., which also resulted in companies like Apple committing to build more manufacturing capacity domestically.

Wall Street has little interest in an all-out war with the White House, especially as banks have benefitted from the industry-friendly, deregulatory agenda that Trump administration has provided so far. The One Big Beautiful Bill, signed in to law in July, pushed another significant round of tax cuts. And deregulation pushed companies to embrace dealmaking last year, which led to a steady stream of investment banking revenues and fees to the big banks.

When it comes to credit card rates, the messaging out of the bank lobbying groups and bank executives has been two-fold: They have pushed back on the cap but in the same breath have offered to work with the White House.

In a call with reporters on Tuesday, JPMorgan’s Chief Financial Officer Jeffrey Barnum indicated the industry was willing to fight with all resources at its disposal to stop the Trump administration from capping those rates. JPMorgan is one of the nation’s biggest credit card companies. Its customers collectively holding $239.4 billion in balances with the bank, and it has major co-brand partnerships with companies such as United Airlines and Amazon. JPMorgan also recently acquired the Apple Card credit card portfolio from Goldman Sachs.

Mark Mason, Citigroup’s chief financial officer, told reporters on Wednesday that a cap “is not something we could or would support,” saying it would restrict credit to consumers and harm the economy. But at the same time, Mason said, “Affordability is a big issue, and we look forward to collaborating with the administration on ways we can address this.”

Trump took further aim at the card industry when he endorsed a bill in Congress that could negatively impact the amount of money banks earn from merchants every time a customer swipes their card.

Not all companies are waiting for Trump's next move.

Fintech company Bilt launched a new set of credit cards this week and said it would cap customers’ interest rates at 10% on new purchases for a year. While effectively a promotional rate that other credit card companies have used in the past, Bilt’s move could provide an example of how the credit card industry can meet the White House's demands without fundamentally destroying their business model.

“If (a credit card rate cap) is going to happen, we’d rather be at the forefront,” Ankur Jain, Bilt’s CEO, said in an interview earlier this week.

Bilt Obsidian Card, Palladium Card and Blue Card are shown on Wednesday, Jan. 14, 2026 in New York. (AP Photo/Ken Sweet)

Bilt Obsidian Card, Palladium Card and Blue Card are shown on Wednesday, Jan. 14, 2026 in New York. (AP Photo/Ken Sweet)

FILE - Visa and Mastercard credit cards are shown in Buffalo Grove, Ill., Feb. 8, 2024. (AP Photo/Nam Y. Huh, File)

FILE - Visa and Mastercard credit cards are shown in Buffalo Grove, Ill., Feb. 8, 2024. (AP Photo/Nam Y. Huh, File)

A sign for Chase bank is seen on an ATM Tuesday, Jan. 6, 2026, in Portland, Ore. (AP Photo/Jenny Kane)

A sign for Chase bank is seen on an ATM Tuesday, Jan. 6, 2026, in Portland, Ore. (AP Photo/Jenny Kane)

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