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Analysis: For Republicans, profanity is suddenly scandalous

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Analysis: For Republicans, profanity is suddenly scandalous
News

News

Analysis: For Republicans, profanity is suddenly scandalous

2020-12-19 13:13 Last Updated At:13:20

The definition of a scandal changes quickly in Washington.

Over the course of four years, the nation's capital has careened from crisis to crisis. There was the travel ban, the investigation into Russian interference in an election, the firing of an FBI director, a 35-day government shutdown, dismissals of Cabinet secretaries via tweet, impeachment and a historic pandemic that forced the president to be hospitalized.

And then there was the Glamour interview.

Jen O'Malley Dillon, President-elect Joe Biden's campaign manager and incoming deputy chief of staff, referred to congressional Republicans as “f——ers” in a conversation with the magazine. And Washington was again in a tizzy.

The hand-wringing is a preview of one of the political shifts ahead once Biden takes office. Democrats preparing to take power are furious at any sign of a double standard from Republicans who looked past — or encouraged — President Donald Trump's profane and divisive behavior in office.

And Republicans, eager to portray Democrats as elitists, are suddenly aghast over a lack of decorum.

Although Marco Rubio didn't condemn Trump's comment about African “shithole countries,” the Florida Republican senator seemed scandalized by O'Malley Dillon's comment. He tweeted that it shows what Democrats “really think." White House press secretary Kayleigh McEnany tweeted the comment “says volumes” about Biden.

Even some Democrats seemed anxious. Axios, a news organization dedicated to chronicling every Beltway twist and turn, used anonymous sources to report “some advisers close" to Biden were “frustrated” about O'Malley Dillon's interview.

She later walked back the comment in a virtual conversation with fellow Democratic operatives.

That such a retreat was deemed necessary almost validates the premise of Biden's presidential campaign: that he would restore normalcy to the nation's politics.

An indelicate comment that reveals what a White House staffer really thinks — and the ensuing damage control — was the ready definition of a Washington scandal before Trump came to town, and upended that and so many other conventions.

While it's easy to dismiss the O'Malley Dillon episode as another example of Washington's endless capacity for self-obsession, it reveals some difficult truths.

For one, the deference that Republicans showed the White House during the Trump era will be a thing of the past. The same party that cheered Trump for “telling it like it is” is poised to attack those in the incoming administration who deviate from the folkways expected in official Washington.

“They're going to look for any reason not to work with the Biden administration,” former North Dakota Democratic Sen. Heidi Heitkamp said of Republicans.

The new standard seems to be applied with particular vigor to women.

Beyond O'Malley Dillon, Neera Tanden is also facing scrutiny of her choice of words. She is nominated to become the first woman of color to lead the powerful Office of Management and Budget, but is facing Republican opposition because — of all things — her Twitter account.

She's labeled Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell “Moscow Mitch” and dismissed Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine, as “the worst.”

While such language does little to advance constructive debate, it stands as tepid compared to Trump's white-hot Twitter history. He's used the platform to accuse MSNBC host Mika Brzezinski of “bleeding badly from a face-lift,”disparage the appearance of Texas GOP Sen. Ted Cruz's wife and brand journalists the “enemy of the people.”

Yet Texas Republican Sen. John Cornyn has said Tanden's past comments were “combative and insulting” and created a “problematic path” for her nomination.

Sen. Tom Cotton, R-Ark., said her rhetoric was “filled with hate & guided by the woke left.”

Such skirmishes cause needless distractions, especially when those in power face far weightier matters such as the pandemic, joblessness and systemic racism.

But they prompt a bigger question about whether Republicans, who will be a powerful force in the new Congress, will seek to impose a different set of rules on the Biden administration than they did for Trump.

Beyond the GOP's newfound appreciation for civility, the party that abandoned its obsession with deficits during the Trump era is suddenly watching every nickel and dime. That has real implications at a moment when the coronavirus is surging and the typically restrained Federal Reserve is all but begging Congress to go big in its economic response.

Of course, Biden does face the prospect of genuine scandals when he takes office next month.

His son Hunter is being investigated by federal prosecutors for tax and financial issues. The probe threatens to dominate President-elect Biden's search for an attorney general, who would be in the precarious position of overseeing an investigation into the son of his boss.

Biden will be judged primarily by his policies, how he handles the pandemic and the economic collapse that it wrought, chief among them.

But he will also be assessed for his tone, a test of whether Americans want a return to a pre-Trump era of political sniping or whether they have come to accept Trump's trampling on the traditions of how a president should talk and act.

Biden centered his campaign around the idea that he was out to restore the “soul” of a deeply divided nation. That means the words that emanate from the president-elect and those around him matter.

But it is an open question if it provides an opening to those who looked past the excesses of the Trump era to suddenly demand politeness without at least some self-awareness.

As Biden himself might say: Come on, man.

Editor’s Note: Steven Sloan has covered politics for the AP since 2018. Follow him at http://twitter.com/stevenpsloan

NEW YORK (AP) — Reviving a campaign pledge, President Donald Trump wants a one-year, 10% cap on credit card interest rates, a move that could save Americans tens of billions of dollars but drew immediate opposition from an industry that has been in his corner.

Trump was not clear in his social media post Friday night whether a cap might take effect through executive action or legislation, though one Republican senator said he had spoken with the president and would work on a bill with his “full support.” Trump said he hoped it would be in place Jan. 20, one year after he took office.

Strong opposition is certain from Wall Street and the credit card companies, which donated heavily to his 2024 campaign and to support his second-term agenda.

“We will no longer let the American Public be ripped off by Credit Card Companies that are charging Interest Rates of 20 to 30%,” Trump wrote on his Truth Social platform.

Researchers who studied Trump’s campaign pledge after it was first announced found that Americans would save roughly $100 billion in interest a year if credit card rates were capped at 10%. The same researchers found that while the credit card industry would take a major hit, it would still be profitable, although credit card rewards and other perks might be scaled back.

Americans are paying, on average, between 19.65% and 21.5% in interest on credit cards according to the Federal Reserve and other industry tracking sources. That has come down in the past year as the central bank lowered benchmark rates, but is near the highs since federal regulators started tracking credit card rates in the mid-1990s.

The Republican administration has proved particularly friendly until now to the credit card industry.

Capital One got little resistance from the White House when it finalized its purchase and merger with Discover Financial in early 2025, a deal that created the nation’s largest credit card company. The Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, which is largely tasked with going after credit card companies for alleged wrongdoing, has been largely nonfunctional since Trump took office.

In a joint statement, the banking industry was opposed to Trump's proposal.

“If enacted, this cap would only drive consumers toward less regulated, more costly alternatives," the American Bankers Association and allied groups said.

The White House did not respond to questions about how the president seeks to cap the rate or whether he has spoken with credit card companies about the idea.

Sen. Roger Marshall, R-Kan., who said he talked with Trump on Friday night, said the effort is meant to “lower costs for American families and to reign in greedy credit card companies who have been ripping off hardworking Americans for too long."

Legislation in both the House and the Senate would do what Trump is seeking.

Sens. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt., and Josh Hawley, R-Mo., released a plan in February that would immediately cap interest rates at 10% for five years, hoping to use Trump’s campaign promise to build momentum for their measure.

Hours before Trump's post, Sanders said that the president, rather than working to cap interest rates, had taken steps to deregulate big banks that allowed them to charge much higher credit card fees.

Reps. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y., and Anna Paulina Luna, R-Fla., have proposed similar legislation. Ocasio-Cortez is a frequent political target of Trump, while Luna is a close ally of the president.

Seung Min Kim reported from West Palm Beach, Fla.

President Donald Trump arrives on Air Force One at Palm Beach International Airport, Friday, Jan. 9, 2025, in West Palm Beach, Fla. (AP Photo/Julia Demaree Nikhinson)

President Donald Trump arrives on Air Force One at Palm Beach International Airport, Friday, Jan. 9, 2025, in West Palm Beach, Fla. (AP Photo/Julia Demaree Nikhinson)

FILE - Visa and Mastercard credit cards are shown in Buffalo Grove, Ill., Feb. 8, 2024. (AP Photo/Nam Y. Huh, File)

FILE - Visa and Mastercard credit cards are shown in Buffalo Grove, Ill., Feb. 8, 2024. (AP Photo/Nam Y. Huh, File)

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