BEIRUT (AP) — Two tumultuous weeks saw the fall from power in Syria of the Kurdish-led force that was once the main U.S. partner there, as Washington shifts its backing to the country's nascent government.
Analysts say the Syrian Democratic Forces miscalculated, taking a hard stance in negotiations with the new leaders in Damascus on the assumption that if a military conflict erupted between them, Washington would support the SDF as it had for years when they battled the Islamic State group.
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Soldiers of the Kurdish-led, U.S.-backed Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) deploy with armoured military vehicles to secure roads leading to Gweiran Prison which houses men accused of being an Islamic State (ISIS) fighters in Hassakeh, northeastern Syria, Monday, Jan. 19, 2026. (AP Photo/Baderkhan Ahmad)
A truck drives past a damaged Humvee abandoned by retreating Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) along a road between government-controlled Raqqa and SDF-controlled Hassakeh in northeastern Syria, Tuesday, Jan. 20, 2026. (AP Photo/Omar Albam)
Local supporters of the Syrian government deface and attempt to topple a sculpture depicting a Kurdish woman a day after Syrian government troops took control of the area from the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), in Raqqa, northeastern Syria, Monday, Jan. 19, 2026. (AP Photo/Omar Albam)
Local youth tear up an SDF flag as they celebrate after Syrian government troops took control of the town from U.S.-backed Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) during an ongoing push against Kurdish-led forces, in Tabqa, eastern Syria, Sunday, Jan. 18, 2026. (AP Photo/Omar Albam)
People climb over the damaged Al-Rashid Bridge, with some crossing on foot, after it was destroyed as Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces withdrew, a day after Syrian government forces took control of the area on the outskirts of Raqqa, northeastern Syria, Monday, Jan. 19, 2026. (AP Photo/Ghaith Alsayed)
Instead, the Kurdish-led force lost most of its territory in northeast Syria to a government offensive after intense clashes erupted in the northern city of Aleppo on Jan. 6. Washington did not intervene militarily and focused on mediating a ceasefire.
By Wednesday, the latest ceasefire was holding, and the SDF had signed onto a deal that would effectively dissolve it.
Elham Ahmad, a senior official with the de facto autonomous administration in the Kurdish-led northeast, expressed surprise to journalists Tuesday that its calls for intervention by the U.S.-led coalition against IS “have gone unanswered.”
Experts had seen it coming. "It’s been very clear for months that the U.S. views Damascus as a potential strategic partner," said Noah Bonsey, senior advisor on Syria with the International Crisis Group.
U.S. President Donald Trump has strongly backed the government of interim President Ahmad al-Sharaa, a former insurgent leader, since his forces ousted former President Bashar Assad in December 2024 following years of civil war. Under al-Sharaa, Syria has joined the global coalition against IS.
U.S. envoy to Syria Tom Barrack in a blunt statement Tuesday said the SDF’s role as Syria's primary anti-IS force “has largely expired" since the new government is "both willing and positioned to take over security responsibilities.” The U.S. is not interested in "prolonging a separate SDF role,” he said.
On Wednesday, the U.S. military said it started transferring IS detainees from northeastern Syria to secure facilities in Iraq.
As al-Sharaa sought to pull the country together after 14 years of civil war, he and SDF leader Mazloum Abdi in March 2025 agreed that the SDF's tens of thousands of fighters would be integrated into the new army. The government would take over key institutions in northeast Syria, including border crossings, oil fields and detention centers housing thousands of suspected IS members.
But for months, U.S.-mediated negotiations to implement the deal stalled.
Syrian government officials who spoke to The Associated Press blamed fractured SDF leadership and their maximalist demands.
Syria’s ambassador to the United Nations, Ibrahim Olabi, said Abdi on several occasions agreed to proposals that the group’s more hardline leaders then rejected.
“Then he stopped agreeing to things and started saying, ‘I have to go back’ (to consult with other officials), which obviously didn’t work with us and the Americans," Olabi said. “We wanted to spend a week in one room and get everything done.”
A senior Syrian government official who spoke on condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to comment publicly said Barrack slammed his hand on the table during one negotiating session and demanded that Abdi clarify whether he wanted to continue with the agreement. Barrack declined to comment via a spokesperson.
Ahmad with the Kurdish-led administration accused Damascus officials of dodging meetings and said those that occurred "were only possible because of the Americans pushing Damascus to come and join.”
Talks were always likely to be thorny. The SDF's Kurdish base was wary of the new government, particularly after outbreaks of sectarian violence targeting other minority groups in Syria.
There was “a major disagreement over a huge substantive set of questions around the future of Syrian governance, how decentralized or centralized it should be,” Bonsey said.
Meghan Bodette, director of research at the pro-SDF Kurdish Peace Institute think tank, said the impasse came down to an “astronomical” gulf in political outlook.
“Damascus comes from an Islamist background and sought to create a centralized, Sunni Arab-dominated state, while the (Kurdish-led authorities) wanted to keep maximum local autonomy" through decentralization and institutionalizing minority rights, she said.
Much debate focused on how the SDF forces would be integrated into the new army.
The senior Syrian official said SDF leaders at one point proposed integrating Syrian government military groups into their forces instead.
He said the government rejected that but agreed to keep the SDF unified in three battalions in northeastern Syria along with a border brigade, a women’s brigade and a special forces brigade.
In return, the government demanded that non-SDF military forces have freedom of movement in the northeast and that SDF divisions would report to the Ministry of Defense and not move without orders. The senior official said Abdi asked to be named deputy minister of defense, and the government agreed.
At the last negotiation session in early January, however, SDF commander Sipan Hamo — seen by Damascus as part of the hardline faction — demanded that the northeast brigades and battalions report to a person chosen by the SDF and that other forces could only enter the region in small patrols and with SDF permission, the senior official said. The government rejected that.
SDF officials did not respond to request for comment on details of negotiations.
Days after that session, clashes erupted in Aleppo.
Olabi, the ambassador, said the Syrian military's success in limiting civilian casualties in Aleppo was another key to the diplomatic breakthrough with the SDF.
Syria's military leadership appeared to have learned lessons from confrontations elsewhere in which government-affiliated fighters carried out sectarian revenge attacks on civilians.
In Aleppo, the military opened “humanitarian corridors” so civilians could flee.
“If Aleppo had gone wrong, I think we would be in a very different place,” Olabi said.
After Syrian forces captured the Arab-majority oil-rich provinces of Raqqa and Deir al-Zour from the SDF, the two sides announced a deal. SDF would retain a presence only in Hassakeh province, the country's Kurdish heartland. And SDF fighters would be integrated into the army as individuals.
Bonsey said the SDF had been warned during negotiations that their effort to maintain their dominant role in the northeast conflicted with geopolitical shifts.
They ended up accepting a deal that is “much worse” than what was on offer just two weeks ago, he said.
Associated Press journalist Hogir Abdo in Qamishli, Syria, contributed to this report.
Soldiers of the Kurdish-led, U.S.-backed Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) deploy with armoured military vehicles to secure roads leading to Gweiran Prison which houses men accused of being an Islamic State (ISIS) fighters in Hassakeh, northeastern Syria, Monday, Jan. 19, 2026. (AP Photo/Baderkhan Ahmad)
A truck drives past a damaged Humvee abandoned by retreating Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) along a road between government-controlled Raqqa and SDF-controlled Hassakeh in northeastern Syria, Tuesday, Jan. 20, 2026. (AP Photo/Omar Albam)
Local supporters of the Syrian government deface and attempt to topple a sculpture depicting a Kurdish woman a day after Syrian government troops took control of the area from the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), in Raqqa, northeastern Syria, Monday, Jan. 19, 2026. (AP Photo/Omar Albam)
Local youth tear up an SDF flag as they celebrate after Syrian government troops took control of the town from U.S.-backed Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) during an ongoing push against Kurdish-led forces, in Tabqa, eastern Syria, Sunday, Jan. 18, 2026. (AP Photo/Omar Albam)
People climb over the damaged Al-Rashid Bridge, with some crossing on foot, after it was destroyed as Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces withdrew, a day after Syrian government forces took control of the area on the outskirts of Raqqa, northeastern Syria, Monday, Jan. 19, 2026. (AP Photo/Ghaith Alsayed)
WASHINGTON (AP) — Democrats had planned to campaign in the midterm elections on affordability and health care, two issues where Americans are particularly unhappy with President Donald Trump.
But the aggressive immigration crackdown in Minnesota, including the killing of Renee Good during a confrontation with federal agents, has scrambled the party's playbook.
Now Democrats are trying to translate visceral outrage into political strategy, even though there's little consensus on how to press forward on issues where the party has recently struggled to earn voters' trust.
Some Democrats want to abolish Immigration and Customs Enforcement, a proposal that echoes “defund the police” rhetoric from Trump's first term, and impeach administration officials such as Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem.
Others have taken a different approach, introducing legislation intended to curb alleged abuses by federal agents. But those ideas have been criticized by activists as insufficient, and there is mounting pressure to obstruct funding for deportations.
“We’re Democrats. I’m sure we’re going to have 50 different ideas and 50 different ways to say it,” said Chuck Rocha, a party strategist who is advising several House and Senate candidates on immigration this year.
If Democrats fail to strike the right balance, they could imperil their efforts to retake control of Congress and statehouses around the country. They could also hamper a chance to rebuild credibility with voters whose dissatisfaction with border enforcement under Democratic President Joe Biden helped return Trump, a Republican, to the White House.
Neera Tanden, president of the Center for American Progress and Biden's former domestic policy adviser, believes the party can thread the needle.
“It’s not too much to ask that we have a government that can produce a secure border, that can deport people who are not legally here, and that can also respect people’s civil and human rights,” she told The Associated Press. “This country has done that before, and it can do it again.”
Immigration crackdowns have spread from city to city since Trump took office, but the latest operation in Minnesota has generated some of the most intense controversy.
Good, 37, was fatally shot by a federal agent earlier this month, prompting protests and angry responses from local Democratic leaders. Administration officials accused Good of trying to hit an agent with her car, an explanation that has been widely disputed based on videos circulating online.
“I think the party is very unified in our disdain and concern of the actions certainly of DHS and ICE,” said Rep. Robert Garcia of California, the top Democrat on the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee. “We should campaign on fairness and due process for all people,” Garcia added, “which is being violated every single day by ICE and DHS. We should be aggressive in that posture.”
But pushing back on the administration requires Democrats to step onto difficult political terrain.
About 4 in 10 U.S. adults trusted Republicans more to handle immigration, according to a Washington Post/Ipsos poll from September, higher than about 3 in 10 who said the same about Democrats.
On the issue of crime, Republicans also held the advantage. About 44% thought Republicans were better, compared with 22% for the Democrats.
Republicans feel confident that their intertwined messages on crime and immigration will resonate with voters in the midterms. They frequently highlight violent criminals detained or deported, downplaying examples of nonviolent migrants who have been swept up.
“If Democrats want to make 2026 a referendum on which party stands for strong immigration policies and protecting public safety, we will take that fight any day of the week,” said Republican National Committee spokeswoman Delanie Bomar.
Some Democrats are more interested in using the issue as a way to pivot back to core messages about health care and the cost of living.
“I want everybody to understand, the cuts to your health care are what’s paying for ICE to be doing this,” New York Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez said last week. “The cuts to your health care are what’s paying for this.”
Democratic strategists have circulated the clip as an example of a potentially effective pitch, particularly after Trump slashed funding for some safety net programs during his first year in office.
The president's approval may be slipping on the issue of immigration.
His approval rating on the issue has fallen since the start of his term, according to Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research polling, from 49% in March to 38% in January.
Juan Proaño, CEO of the League of United Latin American Citizens, the oldest Hispanic civil rights group in the U.S., said crackdowns have hurt Trump politically.
“Republican members of Congress are really uncomfortable with these agencies and their existing tactics, because they know it’s going to hurt them back at home come election cycle,” he said.
Proaño said he had been disappointed with how Democrats had accommodated the Trump administration on immigration in the last year, but he praised changes in the party's strategy since Good's death was captured on video.
“I think everyone just gasped at that, and I think there has been a marked shift since then,” he said.
Some people who have vocally supported Trump in the past, like podcast host Joe Rogan, have expressed reservations.
“Are we really going to be the Gestapo?” he asked recently.
But Trump has not shown any sign of backing down. The administration has ramped up the number of federal agents deployed to Minnesota and the Justice Department issued subpoenas to the state's Democrats, including Gov. Tim Walz and Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey, as part of an investigation into whether they obstructed or impeded enforcement operations.
Democratic National Committee Chair Ken Martin, who used to lead the party in his home state of Minnesota, said “there's a lot of pain and anguish.”
“It’s heartbreaking," he said in a recent interview. "It’s chilling to think that this is the United States of America, what is supposed to be a beacon for democracy and freedom.”
People gather near the post office during a protest, Sunday, Jan. 18, 2026, in Minneapolis. (AP Photo/Yuki Iwamura)
A person holds an upside-down American flag as law enforcement stand during a protest outside the Bishop Henry Whipple Federal Building on Saturday, Jan. 17, 2026, in Minneapolis. (AP Photo/Yuki Iwamura)
Federal officers stand outside the Bishop Henry Whipple Federal Building during a protest on Saturday, Jan. 17, 2026, in Minneapolis. (AP Photo/Yuki Iwamura)
EDS NOTE: OBSCENITY - People march and gather near the post office during a protest, Sunday, Jan. 18, 2026, in Minneapolis. (AP Photo/Yuki Iwamura)