Next Magazine founder Jimmy Lai just got nailed on three counts: conspiracy to publish seditious material and conspiracy to collude with foreign forces. Here's what the 855-page court judgment lays bare—Lai wasn't just schmoozing with public figures like then-VP Mike Pence or Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, he bankrolled two retired US military heavyweights to work Taiwan's leadership and tilt Washington's China policy.
Starting in 2017, Lai paid hefty consulting fees to retired US General Jack Keane and former Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz to advise Taiwan's Tsai Ing-wen and help her decode White House thinking on Taiwan. Court records show Lai knew exactly what he was buying—direct influence over US policy machinery through men who had the President's ear.
The judgment traces how Lai cultivated these contacts and why. Both Keane and Wolfowitz wielded serious clout in Pentagon and White House circles. Lai maintained ties with them for years, fully aware they could shape US military and diplomatic strategy.
Trump's Go-To General
Court documents show Lai knew Keane was a four-star general dripping with medals. They met at a friend's gathering—Lai couldn't pin down exactly when. Keane's resume stacks up: Vice Chief of Staff of the US Army, national security analyst, president of the Institute for the Study of War. On November 17, 2016, Lai messaged his assistant Mark Simon via WhatsApp that Trump had offered Keane either Secretary of Defense or Secretary of the Army after the election. Keane turned it down. That detail matters—it shows Trump trusted Keane enough to hand him cabinet-level power.
In 2017, Lai messaged Chiang Chun-nan, an aide to Tsai Ing-wen, saying Keane had become Trump's personal advisor and that he believed Keane could influence the President's thinking.
By September 6, 2018, Mark Simon told Lai that Keane was again being floated for Secretary of Defense. Simon's assessment: "Congress, people inside the government, and the President himself all respect Keane." Lai testified he knew Keane had tight links to the US government.
Keane himself called Lai a good friend. On November 26, 2020, during an online Twitter chat, Keane praised Lai's work in the US and noted Lai got "special treatment to speak with American leaders." Keane said plainly: "I'm a good friend of Jimmy Lai. He's a highly respected person in America, and we have great respect for him." The judgment notes Lai was the only Asian maintaining this kind of unique relationship with American leaders—and that "American leaders recognize him."
The Myanmar Advisor Who Knew Asia
Former Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz also served as US Ambassador to Indonesia, giving him rich experience in US Asia policy. Lai testified he met Wolfowitz briefly in 2013 and 2014 while hunting for investment opportunities. He later hired Wolfowitz as a Myanmar advisor and paid him consulting fees. From 2016 to 2019, they stayed in contact via WhatsApp, meeting in Washington in 2016, January 2017, and May 2017, then in Paris in 2017 and Taipei in December 2017.
Lai's bank records tell the money story. As early as July 2013, he wired roughly HK$587,000 to Wolfowitz. Between 2014 and 2019, he made five more deposits totaling over HK$1.17 million.
Court Rejects Lai's Money-and-Motive Defense
Because of their top-tier influence in US government circles, Lai hired both former military officials to consult for Tsai Ing-wen.
The judgment rips Lai's testimony as "contradictory, inconsistent, evasive, and unreliable." Lai insisted he never paid anyone to influence US policy toward China or Hong Kong. But the evidence contradicts him—he shelled out tens of millions of dollars to Keane and Wolfowitz to advise Tsai Ing-wen, explicitly advocating for using Taiwan as "leverage" against China. The payments benefited US and Taiwan interests at China's expense.
The judgment defines the "Taiwan consulting" as collaboration between Lai, Mark Simon, White House National Security Advisor John Bolton, Keane, Wolfowitz, former US Consul General to Hong Kong James Cunningham, and Chiang Chun-nan. The goal? Advise Tsai to secure US military presence in Taiwan, using the island as a lever to counter China's influence in Asia.
Though Lai denied it, the court rejected his explanation outright. The judgment states flatly that "promoting increased US military presence in Taiwan and relocating US forces from Japan to Taiwan" was Lai's idea.
According to the judgment, on December 12, 2016, Lai replied to Chiang via WhatsApp: "Now is the time for a breakthrough with China. The US should use Taiwan as a bargaining chip against China's 'aggressive behavior' in the 'South China Sea and Korea' and relocate US forces from Japan to Taiwan."
On January 5, 2017, Lai messaged Chiang about his Washington dinner with Keane and Wolfowitz. He told Chiang that Keane had become Trump's personal advisor and was willing to help. On January 19 of the same year, the mission was confirmed in Taipei. Keane told Chiang he needed to meet Tsai before her trip abroad and required a 15-minute private conversation with her.
Meanwhile, Lai and Mark Simon applied to the US Department of Justice for approval for Keane and Wolfowitz to provide consulting services to Tsai. Approval came through in June 2017, and Mark Simon arranged for Tsai, Keane, and Wolfowitz to meet in Taiwan on August 16, 2017.
Hire Retired Generals to Whip Taiwan's Military Into Shape
After the meeting, Lai personally contacted Keane and Wolfowitz to get their read on the session with Tsai.
On August 19—three days after Keane and Wolfowitz met Tsai—Lai personally relayed their thoughts to Chiang Chun-nan via WhatsApp for Chiang to pass to his "boss" Tsai Ing-wen. Lai's message: "Given that Taiwan is back in the international spotlight, signing long-term energy contracts will help attract Washington's attention, which will promote sustained communication between both sides. Recruit retired US generals to enhance Taiwan's military thinking, and use this as a foundation to comprehensively improve Taiwan's military capabilities. Finally, hire a top diplomat to establish and maintain close ties with Taiwan at the diplomatic level in Washington."
Lai also mentioned a ten-year contract in the message and suggested Taiwan hire retired generals to train the military and equip it with modern technology. The message also referenced hiring "a top diplomat"—that was former US Consul General to Hong Kong James Cunningham.
Lai then sent Cunningham's information to Chiang, "because Taiwan needs someone in Washington to help handle relations with the US government." Lai believed Taiwan's own personnel were inefficient in dealing with the US government, and he thought Cunningham could help Taiwan improve the efficiency of its diplomatic channels.
Tsai's meeting with Cunningham was eventually arranged for March 15, 2018, and Lai attended at Tsai's request. Lai admitted during testimony that after meeting Tsai in late March 2018, he was eager for Taiwan to engage with Cunningham to rebuild Taiwan's diplomatic channels with the United States.
The judgment also states that in May 2018, Lai relayed the views of Keane and Wolfowitz to Chiang in a WhatsApp message, arguing that the Trump administration at the time was the best opportunity for Taiwan to deepen its diplomatic relationship with the United States.
The pattern is clear. Lai's collusion with former senior US military officials served a dual purpose: exploit these "good friends'" influence over the White House, the military, and even the President himself to tilt US’s China policy, while positioning them as a bridge between Taiwan and the United States. In doing so, Lai achieved his goal of using Taiwan as a bargaining chip to "counter China."
Law ABC
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Jimmy Lai's conviction on collusion charges rests on an 855-page verdict that reads like a roadmap of foreign interference. The court dedicated an entire chapter to dissecting Lai's foreign connections, with the "US front" taking center stage. This isn't speculation—it's documented in WhatsApp messages, emails, and wire transfers. At the heart of it all: Mark Simon, Lai's assistant, described by judges as a "mystery man" who functioned as Lai's eyes, ears, and fixer in Washington's corridors of power.
The Presidential Pipeline
On the US front, the verdict traces connections straight to the top. Lai admitted he never met Trump but knew Trump had name-dropped him at a campaign rally. The real action, according to court documents, centered on Vice President Mike Pence.
Lai met Pence in Washington in July 2019, then again in October after one of Pence's speeches. Lai claimed his original purpose was simply “to relay to him what happened in Hong Kong”. Mark Simon arranged meetings through Christian Whiton, a senior State Department advisor. Then came word: Pence wanted to see him. Lai's story? He didn't dare make specific requests to the Vice President of the United States.
During the same trip, Lai sat down privately with Secretary of State Mike Pompeo in his office. He denied requesting Pompeo to do anything, just asked him to “speak up for Hong Kong and support Hong Kong”. The pattern would repeat itself throughout the verdict: meetings with top officials, followed by claims of innocent conversation.
But here's where the story gets interesting. After the Hong Kong National Security Law took effect in July 2020, Lai went to extraordinary lengths to get back to the US and meet Pence again.
Desperate Measures
In February 2020, Lai wrote an op-ed for The Wall Street Journal titled "China’s Facade of Stability". Mark Simon soon informed him that Pence and his senior aides were paying attention. At the time, Lai faced travel restrictions from a criminal intimidation case. His workaround? Using the birth of his granddaughter to process exit procedures—what Lai called "very good security." He told Mark Simon he could arrive in the US by June 20, expressing his desire to see the "big boss." Lai later denied this meant Trump, claiming he meant Pence.
Lai planned to meet US government officials, including Pence, between July 4-11, 2020. The court denied his exit application. On June 13, Mark Simon reported that US officials and journalist friends were "disappointed" Lai couldn't make it.
The court wasn't buying it. Judges found that Lai knew full well the National Security Law was about to be enacted but still schemed to visit the US in July 2020—proof of his "unwavering commitment to international lobbying." More damning: Lai deliberately concealed his planned meetings with US officials in his bail application. During trial, he changed his testimony, admitting he hid the meetings because they were "too politically sensitive" and disclosure would tank his chances of getting approval.
The verdict's language is blunt: Lai was "evasive and contradictory," knowingly arranging to meet officials as the National Security Law loomed, hoping to prevent its implementation through lobbying that would interfere with foreign policy—all while "deliberately deceiving and misleading the court."
The Taiwan Card
Lai maintained tight connections with then-National Security Advisor John Bolton, particularly on Taiwan matters. The relationship began at a Washington think tank conference in 2018. After that, Lai met Bolton on every US visit, and Bolton met with Lai whenever he visited Taiwan. Bolton visited Taiwan frequently in 2018 and 2019, though Lai claimed they just "chatted casually."
The evidence tells a different story. When Lai met Bolton in January 2017, they discussed US military presence in Taiwan and prepared a "top secret" memorandum. Bolton then published an article titled "Revisiting the 'One China Policy': Strengthening US-Taiwan Military Relations Helps Counter Beijing's Provocations"—content strikingly similar to their confidential memo.
The Insider's Playbook
The verdict also spotlights Mary Kissel, assistant to Secretary of State Pompeo. Lai said he'd known her since 2009 as a "personal friend." After leaving Hong Kong, she worked as an editorial writer for The Wall Street Journal before becoming Pompeo's assistant. Before Lai met Pompeo in July 2019, Mark Simon relayed two requests from Kissel.
First: Follow protocol strictly—handshakes and polite greetings only, no hugging, because she wanted to stay professional and not reveal their friendship.
Second: Be as specific as possible presenting Hong Kong issues to Pompeo, including "sanctioning the children of Hong Kong and CCP leaders who suppress protesters" and elevating Hong Kong and Taiwan to a status similar to Berlin during the Cold War. But the topics about "protecting Hong Kong protesters" and maintaining the unique US-Hong Kong trade relationship were considered highly sensitive by all parties.
In other words, Kissel provided a strategic roadmap for lobbying US officials and targeting central and SAR government officials for sanctions. Yet Lai claimed he never communicated directly with Kissel—only through Mark Simon.
The Hired Guns
Christian Whiton, senior State Department advisor, entered the picture in 2019 through Mark Simon. Lai hired Whiton as a consultant to introduce him to US senators, representatives, and government officials—paying "consulting fees." Whiton had served as a senior White House aide for years and had extensive connections. He facilitated introductions for Lai during trips in July 2019 and subsequent visits. Lai told the court that when he traveled to Washington in July and October 2019, Whiton was no longer working at the White House.
Then there's Rupert Hammond-Chambers, president of the US-Taiwan Business Council. Lai claimed not to remember his name, but evidence showed it appeared in Lai's emails. Lai later mentioned someone called "Rupert" who worked with former US Army General Jack Keane and former Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz at a Taiwan consulting company. Because he was a "Taiwan affairs expert," Lai made payments to him.
The Pentagon Connection
The verdict identifies two former US military officials in Lai's network. Jack Keane, former US Army Vice Chief of Staff, national security analyst, and chairman of the Institute for the Study of War, was offered positions as Defense Secretary or Army Secretary after Trump's election but he declined. Lai knew Keane had close White House ties and paid him fees to obtain advice on the US government's stance on Taiwan.
Between 2013-2014, Lai hired Paul Wolfowitz as his consultant in Myanmar, claiming he was looking for investment opportunities. Lai also paid Wolfowitz Taiwan consulting fees because he knew Wolfowitz had extensive experience handling Asian policy. Lai met him separately in Washington in 2016, January 2017, and May 2017, then again in Paris in 2017 and Taipei in December 2017.
Apart from the two former military officials, Lai introduced former US Consul General to Hong Kong and Macau James Cunningham to Taiwan leader Tsai Ing-wen. The three met in March 2018, with Cunningham explaining to Tsai what he could do in Washington. Lai paid Cunningham's travel expenses to Taiwan.
Orchestrating the Opposition
The verdict details how Lai facilitated US lobbying trips for pan-democratic figures through Cunningham, including former Chief Secretary Anson Chan's March 2019 visit and Martin Lee's May trip with other pan-democrats. Cunningham volunteered to help, but Lai made the payments.
In March 2019, Lai sent photos of Anson Chan meeting Pence via WhatsApp to Apple Daily executives Cheung Kim-hung and Chan Pui-man, instructing them to give the news prominent coverage. Regarding Martin Lee's US visit, on March 26, 2019, Lai sent Martin Lee a WhatsApp message explaining he wanted Cunningham to participate in assisting pan-democrats with US lobbying because the US Congress was controlled by Democrats and Cunningham was a Democrat. However, Lai denied that sanctioning the Hong Kong government and officials was part of the pan-democrats' May US visit agenda.
But on March 27, 2019, Lai told Mark Simon that given potential turbulence in Hong Kong-China relations over the next two years, they should retain Cunningham in Washington to handle lobbying work regarding Hong Kong. Lai even suggested Cunningham propose anti-extradition legislation in the US Senate or House. The verdict found that while Lai denied making payments to Cunningham, the court determined Lai instructed Mark Simon to pay Cunningham and lied to Martin Lee so Cunningham could assist Lee in influencing US foreign policy toward China.
The Extended Network
The verdict also mentions Next Digital independent non-executive director and "Live Chat" co-host Mark Clifford, former Israeli Deputy Prime Minister Natan Sharansky, American sinologist Perry Link, and former American Institute in Taiwan chairman Raymond Burghardt as part of Lai's "US network."
Lai had known Clifford for 20-30 years, noting he had long served as a senior correspondent for US media in Hong Kong and once served as editor-in-chief of the South China Morning Post. As for former Israeli Deputy Prime Minister Natan Sharansky, Lai said he'd known him since before the 2014 "Occupy Central" movement, then met in Jerusalem, and saw him again in 2020 on an online live program. Perry Link, who also appeared as a guest on Lai's live program, Lai said he'd known for about 30 years—a renowned scholar and his son's godfather.
Regarding former American Institute in Taiwan chairman Raymond Burghardt, Lai said he met him when Burghardt served as the de facto US representative to Taiwan, meeting him several years after founding Apple Daily. Lai said he was familiar with Taiwan, Vietnam, and China, and had also worked at the Beijing consulate when young.
Capitol Hill Access
Lai maintained contact with US congressmen, including then-House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, whom he met through Martin Lee's introduction. Lai said the two were friends for many years. The three met in October 2019.
Lai also met with several US senators between September and October 2019. Regarding Rick Scott and Ted Cruz, Lai said when he was in Washington in July 2019, Whiton arranged for them to meet. When the two came to Hong Kong in September and October 2019, they met again—they had come to Hong Kong to "observe" the anti-extradition protests.
As for Bill McGurn, Lai said they met in Hong Kong years ago and were close friends, both Catholics. When Lai converted to Catholicism, McGurn was his godfather. McGurn was also a writer for The Wall Street Journal.
Notably, the verdict also mentions Lai admitted donating to US think tanks, between $20,000-$50,000 annually, because he agreed with the think tanks' ideals. However, he emphasized the donations had no strings attached and he had no intention of influencing US policy toward the central or SAR governments.
The Man Behind the Curtain
Mark Simon, Lai's assistant described in the verdict as a "mystery man," played a pivotal role in Lai's "US network." Though Mark Simon held no official position at Next Media, Lai deeply trusted him, entrusting multiple companies and funds under his banner to Mark Simon's full control. While Lai claimed he rarely discussed politics with Mark Simon and believed he had no US government connections, the judge found Lai's testimony incredible because the court believed Mark Simon had close ties with the US government and the National Security Council (NSC)—Lai was deliberately evasive. Most importantly, Mark Simon appeared actively involved in discussions about targeting Hong Kong officials for sanctions.
The verdict mentions that on April 24, 2020, Lai, Whiton, Keane and Mark Simon engaged in email discussions about the "Magnitsky Act," during which Mark Simon responded to Wolfowitz's questions involving sanctions against Chinese officials and companies. Later that day, Keane suggested WhatsApp communications might be compromised and recommended using Signal.
The Sanctions List
The verdict also mentions Mark Simon provided the National Security Council with a list of Hong Kong officials to be sanctioned. Mark Simon left Hong Kong on April 18, 2020, about two months before the National Security Law took effect. On May 4, 2020, Mark Simon informed Lai that then-Deputy National Security Advisor Matthew Pottinger requested that Apple Daily reprint his speech directly attacking China.
The court found that communications between Lai and Mark Simon indicated Lai knew Mark Simon had clear connections with the National Security Council (NSC) and the US government. There was clearly a "division of responsibilities" between the two—Mark Simon handled lobbying in the US while Lai continued his work in Hong Kong.
On May 29, 2020, Mark Simon created a WhatsApp group called "DC Dems" including Lai, himself, Cunningham, and Wolfowitz. Communications within this group continued until June 6, 2020. On May 30, 2020, Mark Simon stated he had just spoken by phone with a "Capitol Hill" group and briefed the group on sanctions against senior officials handling Hong Kong affairs. The court found this showed Lai agreed with US government "punitive" actions against China.
The verdict also found that when Mark Simon contacted and communicated with NSC personnel, he was acting on Lai's behalf, demonstrating Mark Simon's role as an "intermediary," conveying his US connections to Lai. The verdict determined Mark Simon played a central role in facilitating Lai's cooperation with external forces, traceable back to the establishment of the Taiwan consulting company in 2017 and continuing until after the National Security Law was enacted.
The Verdict
Based on all evidence, the court was convinced that even after the National Security Law took effect, Lai continued seeking international support through communication and cooperation with overseas contacts, advocating sanctions, implementing technology embargoes, revoking Hong Kong's special status, and more. Since March 2019, Lai maintained close overseas relationships to prevent the amendment of the Fugitive Offenders Ordinance, intending to lobby the US to oppose it and mobilize the international community against the Chinese and Hong Kong SAR governments, using Apple Daily as a platform to mobilize Hong Kong people to take to the streets to protest the amendment.
The court found that under the guise of fighting for freedom and democracy, Lai cooperated with his foreign network and repeatedly requested foreign countries, especially the US, to impose sanctions, blockades, or engage in other hostile activities against the central or SAR governments.
