REGGIO EMILIA, Italy (AP) — The Princess of Wales’ visit to Italy has put the spotlight on an Italian early childhood educational model that helped revolutionize how toddlers learn in school.
The Reggio Approach, used in public daycare centers and preschools in the northern city of Reggio Emilia, values a child’s inherent curiosity and potential, with teachers acting as facilitators, not instructors, and parents and the surrounding community actively involved. And Princess Catherine, who has made early development her signature cause, is spending two days seeing it up close.
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Britain's Kate, Princess of Wales enjoys a lunch during her visit to the rural resort 'Al Vigneto', part of a two-day trip, in Reggio Emilia, Italy, Thursday, May 14, 2026. (AP Photo/Antonio Calanni, Pool)
Britain's Kate, Princess of Wales, takes part in an immersive clay atelier workshop at the Loris Malaguzzi International Centre, part of a two-day trip, in Reggio Emilia, Italy, Wednesday, May 13, 2026. (AP Photo/Antonio Calanni, Pool)
Britain's Kate, Princess of Wales prepares tortelli during her visit to the rural resort 'Al Vigneto', part of a two-day trip, in Reggio Emilia, Italy, Thursday, May 14, 2026. (AP Photo/Antonio Calanni, Pool)
Britain's Kate, Princess of Wales visits the Salvador Allende preschool to observe how nature-based learning is embedded within the Reggio Emilia approach, part of a two-day trip, in Reggio Emilia, Italy, Thursday, May 14, 2026. (AP Photo/Antonio Calanni, Pool)
Britain's Kate, Princess of Wales visits the Salvador Allende preschool to observe how nature-based learning is embedded within the Reggio Emilia approach, part of a two-day trip, in Reggio Emilia, Italy, Thursday, May 14, 2026. (AP Photo/Antonio Calanni, Pool)
“I love that you put children and childhood at the heart of the community, and I’m really fascinated to learn more about it,” she said as she arrived at one of the town’s preschools on Wednesday.
Reggio partially grew out of the Montessori philosophy and both Italian approaches have spread around the world, standing as counterpoints to models in places like the U.S. and Britain that emphasize standardization and testing for children so young they haven’t begun to read.
Reggio appeals to some Italian parents who themselves received education with rote learning — but only to a point, according to Kathryn Ramsay, a longtime early-childhood educator who runs a Reggio-inspired project north of Rome.
“When the children are 3 or 4, they’re totally fine with it,” Ramsay said. “And then when they hit 5, they (the parents) start getting a little twitchy because they’re thinking about Grade 1,” when children have to sit still for longer periods and learn to read and write.
The Reggio Approach was born as Italy began to rebuild after World War II and a group of mothers in hard-hit Reggio Emilia, a center of anti-Fascist resistance, banded together.
“They sold the metal from a German tank for funds and they hand-carried stones from the river to reconstruct a place for the children to be cared for while the rest of the village went about the business of putting life back together,” said Margie Cooper of the North America Reggio Emilia Alliance.
An innovative pedagogical expert, Loris Malaguzzi, built on Montessori and other educational reform movements to help articulate Reggio’s child-centered approach, which covers children aged 0-6.
His poem exploring how young children communicate and make sense of their world through drawing, painting, dancing and singing served as something of a manifesto. Valuing the capacities and experiences of children was unheard of at the time.
“The child was only an adult in formation and didn’t have things to say or competencies already realized,” said Roberta Cardarello, senior professor of didactical and special pedagogy at the University of Modena and Reggio Emilia.
The Reggio Approach spread to other towns, especially in the north’s left-leaning municipalities. But Italy’s central government in Rome — headed by conservative Christian Democrats until the 1990s — resisted promoting it widely, perhaps because of its association with Reggio Emilia’s communist history.
Today, that red scare is gone, but the model’s adoption often depends on whether cash-strapped local administrations invest in training or teachers have trained independently, according to Elisabetta Nigris, professor of didactic programs and evaluation at the University of Studies Milan-Bicocca.
Reggio employs features common in high-quality programs, including a focus on adults and children in relationship that promotes social and emotional well-being, according to Sylvi Kuperman, senior researcher at the Center for the Economics of Human Development at the University of Chicago. Her 2017 study on Reggio in Italy found greater high school graduation and employment outcomes compared to kids who didn’t receive formal childcare.
Children typically spend multiple years with the same teacher, she said. They participate in meal preparation. Classrooms feature windows and natural materials, like wood. Gardens and artwork are a staple.
On Thursday, Catherine visited the “Salvatore Allende” daycare and preschool in Reggio Emilia, playing with children in the garden, using a magnifying glass to look in the grass and at one point letting a slimy newt crawl in her hand.
“In London, we have newts like this too,” she said.
Catherine’s visit is significant for Britain, since the Reggio Approach isn’t recognized in its national educational policy, and most early childhood programs are run by private organizations for profit, said Peter Moss, emeritus professor at the University College London’s Institute of Education.
But he stressed that Reggio developed in a very particular time and context that is hard to replicate.
“Reggio Emilia is a reaction to 20 years of authoritarian rule under Mussolini and, after that fell, of course a lot of places in Italy were asking the question ’How do we make sure that never happens again?’”
At Ramsay’s Reggio-inspired, bilingual project north of Rome, there is a large grassy garden but no typical playground equipment or bright decorative posters lining the schoolhouse walls. Rather, the tiny log cabin with a covered porch is spare and neutral-toned. Most learning takes place outside: the “mud kitchen,” where kids play at a table with dishes, a digging pitch, a big rock to climb up and slide down in the dirt. Called “Wild Gioia” (Wild Joy), it currently has five children enrolled, aged 3-6.
Ramsay points to evidence suggesting that the best preparation for reading and writing is play, because it teaches children to concentrate.
“They don’t learn to concentrate by being told what to concentrate on,” she said. “They’re learning to concentrate by having the freedom to be able to follow their own interests.”
Winfield reported from Rome. Hollingsworth reported from Kansas City, Missouri.
Britain's Kate, Princess of Wales enjoys a lunch during her visit to the rural resort 'Al Vigneto', part of a two-day trip, in Reggio Emilia, Italy, Thursday, May 14, 2026. (AP Photo/Antonio Calanni, Pool)
Britain's Kate, Princess of Wales, takes part in an immersive clay atelier workshop at the Loris Malaguzzi International Centre, part of a two-day trip, in Reggio Emilia, Italy, Wednesday, May 13, 2026. (AP Photo/Antonio Calanni, Pool)
Britain's Kate, Princess of Wales prepares tortelli during her visit to the rural resort 'Al Vigneto', part of a two-day trip, in Reggio Emilia, Italy, Thursday, May 14, 2026. (AP Photo/Antonio Calanni, Pool)
Britain's Kate, Princess of Wales visits the Salvador Allende preschool to observe how nature-based learning is embedded within the Reggio Emilia approach, part of a two-day trip, in Reggio Emilia, Italy, Thursday, May 14, 2026. (AP Photo/Antonio Calanni, Pool)
Britain's Kate, Princess of Wales visits the Salvador Allende preschool to observe how nature-based learning is embedded within the Reggio Emilia approach, part of a two-day trip, in Reggio Emilia, Italy, Thursday, May 14, 2026. (AP Photo/Antonio Calanni, Pool)
DES MOINES, Iowa (AP) — The two Democrats vying to be Iowa's next U.S. senator each tried to explain in a debate Thursday why he's the one to flip the Republican-held seat, showcasing a struggle within the party over the best strategy to reclaim the U.S. Senate this fall.
State Rep. Josh Turek said he's the “battle-tested” candidate who has won in his red state House district by reaching independents and moderate Republicans who supported President Donald Trump. State Sen. Zach Wahls criticized national Democratic leaders, including Sen. Chuck Schumer, who he says have abandoned rural and working-class voters who are frustrated with both parties.
The two spent a largely cordial hour showing many areas of agreement, but an influx of outside spending and recent big-name endorsements has intensified one of the few remaining competitive Democratic Senate primaries this year.
Both Democrats directed most of their attacks toward Rep. Ashley Hinson, who is seeking the GOP nomination.
Iowa’s Republican Sen. Joni Ernst opted out of a reelection bid, leaving the seat open for the first time since she replaced retiring Democratic Sen. Tom Harkin in 2014. Republican Senate leaders have backed Hinson, who represents northeast Iowa, and the campaign arm has committed $29 million to help her keep their thin majority.
Democrats see an opportunity to flip seats in the once-competitive state, despite Trump’s double-digit win in the last presidential election and an all-Republican federal delegation. The political committee aligned with Senate Democrats said Thursday it was investing $13 million in the state. But Iowa Democrats first need to settle on which federal candidate will be at the top of the ticket. Early voting began Wednesday.
Turek said his win in a Trump district will translate statewide, making him the best candidate to go up against a full-fledged Republican operation heading into the general election.
“My opponent, Zach Wahls, has never run against a Republican,” Turek said. “I know that there is something specific about my story, my background, my resume ... that really has this unique ability to win over independents, which are the kingmakers in the process, and moderate Republicans.”
Wahls said he's gone up against plenty of Republicans to advocate and “defend families like mine,” referencing a 2011 speech he made to Iowa lawmakers about his two moms that went viral. Wahls maintained that winning back rural and working-class voters lies with offering a different kind of Democratic Party and a new leader of Senate Democrats.
“We need to win back the trust of rural and blue-collar voters who were written off and lost by Chuck Schumer,” Wahls said. “We have a choice: Run the same playbook that Chuck Schumer ran and lose, or fight for the voters that he wrote off and win them back.”
Wahls has been critical of Turek for not rejecting Schumer as caucus leader. Turek says he would question any leader candidate on what they would do for Iowa and Iowans.
Both candidates focused their attacks Thursday on Hinson. Turek and Wahls, aligned on many issues, criticized votes Hinson has taken in the House to support Trump's agenda.
Each said he would not support the Republican president’s tariffs or the war in Iran. Wahls said Hinson had “rubber stamped” Trump's approach by voting againsta resolution to curb the president's powers in the Iran war, which Wahls blamed for higher gas prices and farmer input costs, including diesel and fertilizer.
Turek criticized Hinson's support for Trump’s tax and spending cuts package. He said he supports no tax on tips and overtime, which he described as policies that support the middle class, but said the law's cuts to Medicaid and food assistance exacerbated a “crisis in this state, unique to Iowa.”
Both candidates criticized corruption in Washington and proposed higher taxes on corporations and wealthy Americans.
Wahls criticized Turek for missing several votes on bills related to reproductive health care, including one that bans most abortions after about six weeks of pregnancy and another that would have criminalized the death of an “unborn person.”
Turek explained his absence during the one-day special session vote on Iowa's abortion law, saying he had a serious medical issue related to his disability. He apologized in a newsletter after “to all of my constituents for not being able to cast my vote against this bill on your behalf.”
Wahls also hit Turek for a vote he took in committee supporting a wide-ranging bill that included funding for centers that discourage women from getting abortions. Turek voted against the bill on the House floor.
Both candidates said they would work to codify access to abortion in the U.S. Senate.
While Wahls and Turek have raised and spent similar amounts, a Democratic political organization, VoteVets, has spent about $7 million to support Turek in the final stretch of the campaign. That's more than the two candidates have spent combined.
Turek, who is not a veteran, was born with spina bifida after his father’s exposure to chemicals while serving in the Vietnam War. The group has said Turek is uniquely positioned to advocate for veterans’ services, especially health care and military families.
Wahls has criticized the influx of cash as insiders in Washington trying to exert outsized influence.
Another group purchased more than $40,000 in airtime to support Wahls this week, according to filings. Iowa Action was funded by a lawyer with a California address who has also donated directly to Wahls' campaign.
Follow the AP’s coverage of the 2026 election at https://apnews.com/projects/elections-2026/.
This combination of file photos shows Iowa State Sen. and candidate for the Democratic nomination for U.S. Senate Zach Wahls speaking in Cedar Rapids, Iowa, Sept, 11, 2025, left, and Iowa state Rep. Josh Turek speaking in Des Moines, Iowa, April 8, 2026, right. (Nick Rohlman/The Gazette via AP, File)