Italian ski star Dominik Paris shines in tight World Cup super-G for second win in three days

KVITFJELL, Norway (AP) — After just one World Cup race win in three years for Dominik Paris, the Italian star made it two in three days Sunday.

Paris was the only racer to break clear in a super-G of tight margins, on a course shortened by fog on the mountain, and added to his downhill victory Friday.

Take Paris out of Sunday’s race and the top 30 including six of the United States team all would have been within one second and James Crawford, the 2023 world champion from Canada, would have won.

Paris was there, however, as the standout racer 0.38 faster than Crawford and 0.47 clear of third-placed Miha Hrobat.

“The feeling was amazing," the 35-year-old Paris said. "Seeing the green light in the finish, that’s nice.”

The German-speaking Italian with the French-sounding family name is most at home on the Norwegian slope that staged the 1994 Olympics races.

He now has six of his 24 career World Cup wins at Kvitfjell, where he also completed a weekend double in downhill and super-G in 2019, and won a downhill in March 2022.

“It’s a good hill for me but I didn’t know it was like this. It’s more than I expected,” Paris said.

That 2019 season was a career peak for Paris. He won a career-best seven World Cup races, plus his only gold medal — in super-G at the 2019 worlds — and his only World Cup crystal trophy, for the season-long super-G title. That success came after spending the summer recording an album as a singer in a heavy metal band, Rise of Voltage.

Marco Odermatt placed fourth, 0.01 behind Hrobat, though his season-long super-G title was confirmed in midweek when his closest challenger, Paris’s teammate Mattia Casse, was injured crashing in a training run for the downhill.

It was the first time in 17 men's speed races this season, in the World Cup or world championships, that no Swiss skier was on the podium.

“It’s quite an achievement, I think. They are really, really good this year,” said Hrobat, who twice was third in downhills when beaten by two Swiss racers.

Odermatt earned 50 race points Sunday and has an unbeatable lead of 210 in the super-G standings before the last race March 23 at Sun Valley, Idaho. It is his third straight super-G title.

The Swiss superstar's fourth straight overall World Cup title also is assured with a 570-point lead over Henrik Kristoffersen and just six races left. Though 600 points can be won, Kristoffersen does not race in downhill or super-G.

Kristoffersen will be favored to pick up points next weekend when the men’s World Cup circuit stays in Norway for a giant slalom and slalom at nearby Hafjell.

AP skiing: https://apnews.com/hub/alpine-skiing

Second placed Canada's James Crawford, celebrates with the team after an alpine ski, men's World Cup downhill, in Kvitfjell, Norway, Saturday, March 8, 2025. (AP Photo/Marco Trovati)

Third placed Slovenia's Miha Hrobat celebrates after an alpine ski, men's World Cup downhill, in Kvitfjell, Norway, Saturday, March 8, 2025. (AP Photo/Marco Trovati)

The winner Italy's Dominik Paris celebrates after an alpine ski, men's World Cup downhill, in Kvitfjell, Norway, Saturday, March 8, 2025. (AP Photo/Marco Trovati)

The winner Italy's Dominik Paris celebrates after an alpine ski, men's World Cup downhill, in Kvitfjell, Norway, Saturday, March 8, 2025. (AP Photo/Marco Trovati)

Switzerland's Marco Odermatt speeds down the course during an alpine ski, men's World Cup super G race, in Kvitfjell, Norway, Sunday, March 9, 2025. (AP Photo/Gabriele Facciotti)

Slovenia's Miha Hrobat reacts after completing an alpine ski, men's World Cup downhill, in Kvitfjell, Norway, Saturday, March 8, 2025. (AP Photo/Marco Trovati)

Canada's James Crawford reacts after completing an alpine ski, men's World Cup downhill, in Kvitfjell, Norway, Saturday, March 8, 2025. (AP Photo/Marco Trovati)

Italy's Dominik Paris reacts after completing an alpine ski, men's World Cup downhill, in Kvitfjell, Norway, Saturday, March 8, 2025. (AP Photo/Marco Trovati)

Canada's James Crawford speeds down the course during an alpine ski, men's World Cup super G race, in Kvitfjell, Norway, Sunday, March 9, 2025. (AP Photo/Gabriele Facciotti)

Switzerland's Marco Odermatt reacts after completing an alpine ski, men's World Cup downhill, in Kvitfjell, Norway, Saturday, March 8, 2025. (AP Photo/Marco Trovati)

Italy's Dominik Paris speeds down the course during an alpine ski, men's World Cup super G race, in Kvitfjell, Norway, Sunday, March 9, 2025. (AP Photo/Gabriele Facciotti)

Italy's Dominik Paris reacts after completing an alpine ski, men's World Cup downhill, in Kvitfjell, Norway, Saturday, March 8, 2025. (AP Photo/Marco Trovati)

ATLANTA (AP) — Donald Trump would not be the first president to invoke the Insurrection Act, as he has threatened, so that he can send U.S. military forces to Minnesota.

But he'd be the only commander in chief to use the 19th-century law to send troops to quell protests that started because of federal officers the president already has sent to the area — one of whom shot and killed a U.S. citizen.

The law, which allows presidents to use the military domestically, has been invoked on more than two dozen occasions — but rarely since the 20th Century's Civil Rights Movement.

Federal forces typically are called to quell widespread violence that has broken out on the local level — before Washington's involvement and when local authorities ask for help. When presidents acted without local requests, it was usually to enforce the rights of individuals who were being threatened or not protected by state and local governments. A third scenario is an outright insurrection — like the Confederacy during the Civil War.

Experts in constitutional and military law say none of that clearly applies in Minneapolis.

“This would be a flagrant abuse of the Insurrection Act in a way that we've never seen,” said Joseph Nunn, an attorney at the Brennan Center for Justice's Liberty and National Security Program. “None of the criteria have been met.”

William Banks, a Syracuse University professor emeritus who has written extensively on the domestic use of the military, said the situation is “a historical outlier” because the violence Trump wants to end “is being created by the federal civilian officers” he sent there.

But he also cautioned Minnesota officials would have “a tough argument to win” in court, because the judiciary is hesitant to challenge “because the courts are typically going to defer to the president” on his military decisions.

Here is a look at the law, how it's been used and comparisons to Minneapolis.

George Washington signed the first version in 1792, authorizing him to mobilize state militias — National Guard forerunners — when “laws of the United States shall be opposed, or the execution thereof obstructed.”

He and John Adams used it to quash citizen uprisings against taxes, including liquor levies and property taxes that were deemed essential to the young republic's survival.

Congress expanded the law in 1807, restating presidential authority to counter “insurrection or obstruction” of laws. Nunn said the early statutes recognized a fundamental “Anglo-American tradition against military intervention in civilian affairs” except “as a tool of last resort.”

The president argues Minnesota officials and citizens are impeding U.S. law by protesting his agenda and the presence of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers and Customs and Border Protection officers. Yet early statutes also defined circumstances for the law as unrest “too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course” of law enforcement.

There are between 2,000 and 3,000 federal authorities in the Minneapolis-St. Paul metro area, compared to Minneapolis, which has fewer than 600 police officers. Protesters' and bystanders' video, meanwhile, has shown violence initiated by federal officers, with the interactions growing more frequent since Renee Good was shot three times and killed.

“ICE has the legal authority to enforce federal immigration laws,” Nunn said. “But what they're doing is a sort of lawless, violent behavior” that goes beyond their legal function and “foments the situation” Trump wants to suppress.

“They can't intentionally create a crisis, then turn around to do a crackdown,” he said, adding that the Constitutional requirement for a president to “faithfully execute the laws” means Trump must wield his power, on immigration and the Insurrection Act, “in good faith.”

Courts have blocked some of Trump's efforts to deploy the National Guard, but he'd argue with the Insurrection Act that he does not need a state's permission to send troops.

That traces to President Abraham Lincoln, who held in 1861 that Southern states could not legitimately secede. So, he convinced Congress to give him express power to deploy U.S. troops, without asking, into Confederate states he contended were still in the Union. Quite literally, Lincoln used the act as a legal basis to fight the Civil War.

Nunn said situations beyond such a clear insurrection as the Confederacy still require a local request or another trigger that Congress added after the Civil War: protecting individual rights. Ulysses S. Grant used that provision to send troops to counter the Ku Klux Klan and other white supremacists who ignored the 14th and 15th amendments and civil rights statutes.

During post-war industrialization, violence erupted around strikes and expanding immigration — and governors sought help.

President Rutherford B. Hayes granted state requests during the Great Railroad Strike of 1877 after striking workers, state forces and local police clashed, leading to dozens of deaths. Grover Cleveland granted a Washington state governor's request — at that time it was a U.S. territory — to help protect Chinese citizens who were being attacked by white rioters. President Woodrow Wilson sent troops to Colorado in 1914 amid a coal strike after workers were killed.

Federal troops helped diffuse each situation.

Banks stressed that the law then and now presumes that federal resources are needed only when state and local authorities are overwhelmed — and Minnesota leaders say their cities would be stable and safe if Trump's feds left.

As Grant had done, mid-20th century presidents used the act to counter white supremacists.

Franklin Roosevelt dispatched 6,000 troops to Detroit — more than double the U.S. forces in Minneapolis — after race riots that started with whites attacking Black residents. State officials asked for FDR's aid after riots escalated, in part, Nunn said, because white local law enforcement joined in violence against Black residents. Federal troops calmed the city after dozens of deaths, including 17 Black residents killed by local police.

Once the Civil Rights Movement began, presidents sent authorities to Southern states without requests or permission, because local authorities defied U.S. civil rights law and fomented violence themselves.

Dwight Eisenhower enforced integration at Central High School in Little Rock, Arkansas; John F. Kennedy sent troops to the University of Mississippi after riots over James Meredith's admission and then pre-emptively to ensure no violence upon George Wallace's “Stand in the Schoolhouse Door” to protest the University of Alabama's integration.

“There could have been significant loss of life from the rioters” in Mississippi, Nunn said.

Lyndon Johnson protected the 1965 Voting Rights March from Selma to Montgomery after Wallace's troopers attacked marchers' on their first peaceful attempt.

Johnson also sent troops to multiple U.S. cities in 1967 and 1968 after clashes between residents and police escalated. The same thing happened in Los Angeles in 1992, the last time the Insurrection Act was invoked.

Riots erupted after a jury failed to convict four white police officers of excessive use of force despite video showing them beating a Rodney King, a Black man. California Gov. Pete Wilson asked President George H.W. Bush for support.

Bush authorized about 4,000 troops — but after he had publicly expressed displeasure over the trial verdict. He promised to “restore order” yet directed the Justice Department to open a civil rights investigation, and two of the L.A. officers were later convicted in federal court.

President Donald Trump answers questions after signing a bill that returns whole milk to school cafeterias across the country, in the Oval Office of the White House, Wednesday, Jan. 14, 2026, in Washington. (AP Photo/Alex Brandon)