For decades, just mentioning Article 23 or the National Security Law (NSL) would send Hong Kong people into a panic. The US and Western political propaganda machine had been remarkably successful at that fear-mongering. But now? The law is doing exactly what it was supposed to do – and that's precisely why the West is so upset about it.
When British Diplomats Showed Their True Colors
Let me share with you a personal experience that perfectly encapsulates Western hypocrisy. Back in 1985, as a junior reporter covering the Joint Liaison Group meetings between China and Britain, I had some eye-opening tea chats with British representatives in London. These guys were working overtime to convince everyone that Article 23 of the Basic Law – you know, the bit about prohibiting subversion, sedition, and liaising with foreign political organizations – would be an absolute disaster for Hong Kong's freedoms.
When I asked one British rep whether the UK had similar laws, he just shrugged it off with "we rarely use these laws." Classic deflection. Britain has had national security legislation for ages, but somehow Hong Kong wasn't allowed the same protection. The Brits couldn't stop Article 23 from making it into the Basic Law, but they did manage to slip in that "Hong Kong shall enact laws on its own" clause – essentially planting a legislative landmine for later.
And boy, did that strategy work. After 1997, the fear-mongering went into overdrive. Every mention of Article 23 sent people into panic mode, thanks to relentless Western propaganda painting it as some sort of totalitarian nightmare.
The Chaos That "Freedom" Actually Brought
Here's what really happened when Hong Kong had no national security framework: it became a playground for foreign operatives and local troublemakers. The 2019 riots weren't some organic pro-democracy movement – they were a carefully orchestrated mess with foreign fingerprints all over it.
Take the "Dragon Slaying Squad" – these weren't freedom fighters, they were wannabe terrorists planning to plant bombs in busy areas. And guess what? One of their confessed accomplices, Pang Kwun-ho, testified that he was shipped off to Taiwan in 2019 for military training, including firearms use. Does anyone seriously believe Taiwan's Military Intelligence Bureau was just casually unaware of people from Hong Kong getting firearms and military training on their soil?
Then there's Jimmy Lai and his merry band of foreign collaborators. Through his assistant Mark Simon – a former US naval intelligence agent, no less – they were running the "Stand with Hong Kong" operation, cosying up to Western politicians and actively promoting sanctions against mainland China and Hong Kong. This wasn't journalism or activism; it was straight-up foreign interference.
The saddest part: many of the young people throwing petrol bombs genuinely thought they were fighting tyranny. They'd been fed a steady diet of fake news about police beating people to death at Prince Edward Station and other fabricated "police brutality" stories. These kids weren't exercising freedom – they were being manipulated by forces that couldn't care less about their futures.
Both the US and Britain have robust national security laws of their own, yet they spent decades trying to convince Hong Kong people that having similar protections would be catastrophic. In fact, without proper national security legislation, Hong Kong's so-called freedom was just freedom for espionage activities, foreign manipulation, malicious rumours and political chaos. That's not the kind of freedom any society should want.
Why the Law Works, And Why That Terrifies the West
Xia Baolong, Director of the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office, nailed it at the recent symposium that marks the 5th anniversary of the NSL implementation. The National Security Law didn't destroy "One Country, Two Systems" – it saved it. The implementation of the law became the watershed moment that brought Hong Kong from chaos to stability, fending off foreign attacks or intervention, enabling everything good from electoral system reforms to the current "patriots governing Hong Kong" aspiration.
That's what really keeps Western policymakers up at night: the inconvenient reality that Hong Kong is actually better off with proper national security protections. No wonder they're so keen to convince everyone otherwise.
It’s high time we recognised the importance of the National Security Law. The truth is, Hong Kong's National Security Law isn't restricting genuine freedom – it's protecting us from those who would abuse that freedom for their own political ends. No doubt that fewer foreign agents like Mark Simon operating in Hong Kong means less manipulation, less chaos, and more genuine stability.
Lo Wing-hung
Bastille Commentary
** 博客文章文責自負,不代表本公司立場 **
The Hong Kong National Security Law (NSL) has been implemented for five years now. Looking back at the chaos of 2019 and the enactment of the Hong Kong National Security Law in 2020, which had an immediate stabilising effect, it feels like a lifetime ago.
In his speech at the forum marking the fifth anniversary of the implementation of the Hong Kong National Security Law, Xia Baolong, Director of the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office, mentioned that the Hong Kong National Security Law holds milestone significance in the development of "one country, two systems" in Hong Kong. As the US-China struggle intensifies and reaches fever pitch, Director Xia noted that the current century's momentous transformation is accelerating, and Hong Kong's internal and external environment is undergoing profound changes. We must be guided by the "holistic approach to national security" to provide strong security guarantees for achieving Hong Kong's better development. The focus should be on grasping the following five “musts”:
First, we must integrate safeguarding national security throughout the entire process of implementing "one country, two systems".
There is a view in society that since Beijing now talks about the transition "from chaos to order", we no longer need to keep talking about national security every day.
Director Xia comprehensively refuted these views, stating that safeguarding national security will accompany the entire process of implementing "one country, two systems". He reminded everyone never to think that Hong Kong is now perfectly fine and no longer needs to safeguard national security. He said we must clearly see that anti-China, anti-Hong Kong elements have not given up their malicious intentions, with various forms of "soft resistance" constantly emerging in new ways, and external hostile forces have never stopped interfering in Hong Kong. The struggles against infiltration, subversion, and separatism have not ended. Some people with ill intentions fabricate fallacies to mislead people, such as "pan-NSL", claiming that the Hong Kong National Security Law undermines human rights and freedoms, and assertions that having the Hong Kong National Security Law means there is no "one country, two systems". In response, everyone must keep their eyes open, recognise the essence of its true intention, and resolutely fight against this.
After listening to Director Xia's first point, I marked the phrase "entire process" – meaning it will never stop, to cope with the extremely complex and severe external situation.
Second, we must ensure that the governance of the Special Administrative Region remains firmly in the hands of patriots.
There are also some views in society suggesting that political stability has now been achieved, political reform can be restarted, and the government should tolerate more intense opposition voices.
But Director Xia pointed in a different direction, saying that if we cannot ensure national political security, and if the governance of the Special Administrative Region cannot be held in the hands of patriots, Hong Kong's prosperity and stability would be out of the question, and safeguarding national security would be empty talk. On this fundamental question of principle, we must maintain firm positions and clear-cut stands, never wavering at any time.
After listerning to Director Xia's second point, the words "regime security" marks in my heart: if the SAR's governance is not in the hands of patriots, it would threaten Beijing's regime. This is a new formulation, and the "35+ subversion case" is a good example.
Third, we must remain unwavering in both safeguarding security and promoting development.
There is a fallacious argument in society that now we are transitioning "from governance to prosperity", yet engaging in so many national security matters is detrimental to the economy.
Director Xia completely disagreed with this argument, believing that national security and development are related to each other and actually work hand in hand. He specifically quoted President Xi Jinping's emphasis that "security is the prerequisite for development, development is the guarantee of security, and we must remain unwavering in both safeguarding security and promoting development". Safeguarding national security is for Hong Kong's better development, to let Hong Kong people live better lives, and to better protect the legitimate rights and interests of foreign investors.
After listening to Director Xia's third point, I noted these words: "remain unwavering in both security and development". Director Xia has previously said that while business knows no borders, businesspeople have a homeland – the business community must never do anything that harms national security and interests while pursuing development.
Fourth, we must effectively protect the human rights and freedoms of Hong Kong residents.
Some people in society say the Hong Kong National Security Law has affected Hong Kong people's freedoms.
Director Xia sternly refuted this, pointing out that during the "extradition bill turmoil", ordinary citizens didn't even dare to walk the streets – what freedom was there? Speaking Putonghua in public places could result in being beaten – what human rights were there?
The Hong Kong National Security Law stipulates a comprehensive human rights protection system, reasonably balancing national security with human rights and freedoms, and implementing the principles of upholding the rule of law and respecting and protecting human rights throughout the legal provisions and implementation process. Over the five years since the Hong Kong National Security Law's implementation, it has only targeted an extremely small number of criminals who seriously endanger national security, while protecting the human rights and freedoms of all Hong Kong residents, including those of foreign friends in Hong Kong.
The key to Director Xia's fourth point lies in the two words: "reasonable balance".
Fifth, we must maintain Hong Kong's unique position and advantages.
Some people say that after the enactment of the Hong Kong National Security Law, foreign businesses dare not come to Hong Kong.
Director Xia said that under "one country, two systems" conditions, safeguarding national security makes Hong Kong more open and more free. Normal international exchanges not only do not violate the Hong Kong National Security Law but are protected by it. Safeguarding national security helps leverage Hong Kong's unique advantage of "backing of the motherland and connecting with the world", helps consolidate Hong Kong's highly free and open business environment, and helps deepen international exchanges and cooperation. This will surely make Hong Kong's door of openness wider and wider, and its international influence and competitiveness stronger and stronger. He even quoted senior executives from major multinational banks saying that China is becoming a key node in the rebalancing of global supply chains and economic power, while Hong Kong is the main bridge connecting mainland China with the world, its unique position and advantages will be further consolidated.
Director Xia's emphasis on "maintaining Hong Kong's unique position" is particularly impressive.
Beyond the five “musts”, Director Xia elevated the practice of the Hong Kong National Security Law to a theoretical level, pointing out that Hong Kong implements the holistic approach to national security, using high-level security to escort high-quality development. The key to the holistic approach to national security lies in "holistic", highlighting the concept of comprehensive security that covers both traditional and non-traditional security fields.
The five years of practice under the Hong Kong National Security Law show that under the international circumstances of sustained US pressure on China, this law is not one that restricts Hong Kong people's freedoms, but rather one that protects Hong Kong and the nation. Hong Kong is no longer a soft underbelly for foreign attacks on China, no longer a victim of colour revolutions.
Lo Wing-hung
