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The Bomb vs Pants Debate

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The Bomb vs Pants Debate
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The Bomb vs Pants Debate

2025-10-17 20:18 Last Updated At:20:18

Sixty-one years ago, on October 16, 1964, China detonated its first atomic bomb at Lop Nur in Xinjiang. The shockwave rippled far beyond the desert test site. 

Suddenly, the PRC had joined an exclusive club—the fifth nuclear power after the US, USSR, Britain, and France. What made this achievement even more remarkable was the context: just five years earlier, in June 1959, the Soviets had pulled the plug on their assistance, walking away mid-project. China finished the job alone, calling it the "596 Project" to commemorate that moment of betrayal turned determination.

That first bomb test, followed by the successful test of a nuclear-armed missile in 1966 and the launch of the Dongfanghong-1 satellite in 1970, became immortalized as China's "Two Bombs, One Satellite" achievement. But back in 1963, when the project was still racing toward completion, not everyone was convinced it was worth it.

On December 18, 1963, Vice Premier and Foreign Minister Chen Yi faced Japanese journalists in Beijing and delivered what would become a controversial line. Responding to mockery about China's poverty, he declared: "The imperialists, revisionists, and reactionaries have atomic bombs and nuclear weapons—are they so remarkable? They bully us like this, they mock our poverty, saying we can't afford it. Even if I have to pawn my pants, I will still build nuclear weapons".

Marshal Chen Yi's words were meant to rally Chinese resolve during the final stretch. But when that quote reached Hong Kong, it landed badly with Louis Cha, the owner of Ming Pao newspaper.  

The Great Pants Debate

Just twelve days later, on October 30, 1963, Cha published a scathing editorial titled "We Want Pants, Not Nuclear Weapons." His argument was blunt: he expressed outrage that a Chinese Communist leader would suggest sacrificing the people's basic necessities for nuclear weapons, arguing that any government placing military power before people's livelihood was fundamentally flawed. 

Cha continued his assault, questioning whether Chen Yi understood that a country whose people lacked basic clothing could never become strong even with atomic bombs, and that such a government would never be stable. His clincher was particularly cutting—he pointed to Britain's nuclear arsenal during the 1956 Suez Crisis, noting that when the Soviets threatened to bomb London, the British still withdrew. Cha dismissed China's nuclear ambitions, arguing that even with another decade of effort, the country could never match Britain's nuclear achievements at the time of the Suez Crisis. He concluded sarcastically that a few pocket-sized atomic bombs would be useless, and that the people would be better served by having more pants to wear. 

The editorial sparked a war of words that lasted over a year. Patriotic newspapers fired back vigorously, and Cha kept writing rebuttals. Looking back, this wasn't purely about current affairs commentary—there was a commercial calculation at play. Ming Pao had only launched in 1959 and needed to build its readership. Nobody reads bland consensus opinions. Since most Hong Kong people at the time leaned patriotic, Cha took the contrarian position. The resulting firestorm helped Ming Pao establish its reputation for provocative commentary.

History's Verdict

The passage of time has a way of settling arguments that seemed heated at the moment. Fast forward sixty-one years, and we can now reach a relatively objective verdict on the "nuclear weapons versus pants" debate. 

First reality check: Without nuclear weapons, pants become utterly useless. Cha dismissed China's "pocket-sized atomic bombs" as pointless. But returning to the historical moment—1949, New China was established but was still in the "recovering" phase of national independence.  

China was also facing enemies on all sides. The US remained hostile after being fought to a stalemate in Korea and was itching for revenge. Meanwhile, the Sino-Soviet split meant that the USSR—a bordering superpower with massive military strength—posed an enormous threat. Caught between the two military superpowers, nuclear weapons became China's essential insurance policy.

Decades later, Libya serves as a perfect cautionary tale. Gaddafi's regime clashed with the United States and vigorously pursued nuclear weapons. However, eventually he settled for a private negotiation with Washington, agreeing to halt nuclear development in exchange for America backing off. But when the Arab Spring erupted years later, CIA-backed anti-government forces overthrew Gaddafi in 2011. He died in a gutter. Dead men don't need pants.

That so-called democratic movement didn't bring peace to Libya. Fourteen years later, the country remains trapped in a devastating civil war, as two opposing governments split the country apart. Yet the world has already looked away—even the news stopped reporting. Such is the consequence of Libya's nuclear abandonment.

No Nukes, No Development

Second reality check: Without nuclear weapons, economic development itself becomes impossible.  

Consider Japan. The Japanese economy flourished spectacularly in the 1980s, but in 1985, under American coercion, Tokyo signed the Plaza Accord in New York. Japan committed to substantial yen appreciation and reduced competitiveness against American goods. Result? Forty years of economic decline. 

Why did Japan accept such a humiliating and unequal economic treaty? Simple—as a defeated WWII nation, Japan not only cannot possess nuclear weapons but also has its military development controlled by the United States, with massive US troop deployments throughout the country. 

When a nation lacks military independence, it has no choice but to sign whatever agreements others demand. Without nuclear weapons, even economic development is held in others' hands.

Third reality check: You can have both nuclear weapons AND pants. Cha fundamentally underestimated China back then, assuming the Communist Party would only blindly expand its military without understanding economic development. He confidently asserted that even with continued effort, the CCP certainly could not match Britain's nuclear achievements. 

Sixty-one years later, that prediction looks absurd. China's military power far exceeds Britain's, and economically, China has left Britain in the dust. China has emerged as a new great power, possessing not only formidable military strength but also economic volume that—measured by actual production quantities using purchasing power parity—surpassed the United States in 2014. Under CCP leadership, China not only possesses nuclear weapons but has also clothed Chinese people in pants and allowed them to live comfortable lives with adequate food and clothing.

Today, sixty-one years after that desert test in Xinjiang, looking back at China's atomic bomb achievement, we recognize this as a genuine milestone in China's development. China's possession of "Two Bombs, One Satellite" elevated it into the ranks of military powers, enabling it to protect its national security and create the essential conditions for economic development. 

The bombs came first. Prosperity followed. That's not an accident—it's cause and effect.

Lo Wing-hung




Bastille Commentary

** 博客文章文責自負,不代表本公司立場 **

Trump's obsession with winning the Nobel Peace Prize had reached pathological levels.

At 5 p.m on October 10, the Norwegian Nobel Committee announced Venezuelan opposition figure María Corina Machado as this year's winner, citing her "tireless efforts to fight for democracy for the Venezuelan people." Trump missed out yet again. White House Communications Director Steven Cheung didn't mince words: "The Nobel Committee has proven that they put politics above peace."

Now, I rarely find myself nodding along to White House statements, but this one? Dead on target. The Nobel Committee is absolutely politicized.

When Obsession Takes Over

Trump's desire for this award has evolved into something resembling a fixation. Perhaps he's desperate to cement his legacy. Winning the Nobel would be like minting coins with his face on them—a permanent stamp on history. Just before the announcement, he rushed out a 20-point Gaza peace proposal, frantically creating an award-worthy atmosphere while boasting he'd mediated seven wars.

Two American presidents have won before—Carter and Obama. But Carter wasn't sitting in the Oval Office when he got his, and Obama? He won after doing essentially nothing, merely by "creating an atmosphere." So naturally, Trump thinks: I've actually stopped wars—why shouldn't I get the prize?

This obsessive fixation makes you wonder: when he posted that thousand-word tirade targeting China just hours after losing the prize—threatening a 100% tariff on Chinese products starting November 1—was this just "president having a bad day, needs to blow off steam"? It makes American decision-making look embarrassingly childish.

A Prize Built on Politics

Obama's award was genuinely absurd, and it convinced many that the Nobel Peace Prize Committee—primarily appointed by Norway's Parliament—naturally leans toward white-left politicians like Obama. Which perfectly explains why Trump can't win. He's practically Obama's polar opposite: one white-left, one far-right. How could the Norwegian Nobel Committee possibly award the prize to a far-right American president? Norwegian officials even joked they needed to take a few days off when the prize was announced to dodge American phone calls.

Choosing Machado reveals the Committee's calculated game. Trump has been relentlessly attacking Venezuelan President Maduro, even threatening to invade Venezuela under the guise of fighting drugs. America naturally backs Venezuelan opposition figure Machado. Awarding her at least ensures Trump can't attack the winner.

CBS reported that a senior White House official revealed that Trump called Machado to congratulate her, saying she deserved the award. This confirms the Nobel Committee made a purely political decision—giving the prize to someone Trump couldn't oppose. Whether Machado actually deserves a peace prize? Nobody bothers asking that question.

What About Jimmy Lai?

Exiled figures overseas keep nominating Jimmy Lai and Chow Hang-tung for the Nobel Peace Prize, with plenty of cheerleaders beating the drums for them. But now they're competing with Trump for the award. I doubt any US official would dare support Jimmy Lai and Chow Hang-tung for this prize —at least not before Trump gets his.

Given the Nobel Committee's white-left tradition, awarding Jimmy Lai wouldn't be shocking. But a peace prize, by definition, should promote peace. Yet Jimmy Lai used his Apple Daily newspaper to aggressively support the 2019 violent opposition movement. He wasn't advocating for peace—he was advocating for violence to overthrow the government. The peace prize certainly shouldn't go to someone who endorsed the "no difference between peaceful and valiant protesters" slogan and backed militant factions in violent anti-government movements.

Regardless, this latest Nobel Peace Prize spectacle further proves that this award is merely a Western white-left prize. Trump's competition for the prize has fully exposed the hypocrisy of this award.

Lo Wing-hung

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