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Britain’s Asylum Buffoonery: Even WSJ Can’t Look Away

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Britain’s Asylum Buffoonery: Even WSJ Can’t Look Away
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Britain’s Asylum Buffoonery: Even WSJ Can’t Look Away

2026-01-25 20:55 Last Updated At:01-26 10:48

Western “democracy” loves to lecture the world. The reality is its own systems sometimes spin into such obvious dysfunction that even Western media can’t pretend it’s normal.

On 21 January, The Wall Street Journal ran a piece titled “Britain’s Buffoonery Puts Mr. Bean to Shame,” bluntly saying the British government may be as incompetent as the comedy icon—just nowhere near as likeable. 

The Journal’s example isn’t theory or ideology. It’s a real-world case file: a newly arrived migrant asking the state for “protection,” and a government machine that can’t—or won’t—say no.

Even the Wall Street Journal is calling it out—Britain’s dysfunction, in print.

Even the Wall Street Journal is calling it out—Britain’s dysfunction, in print.

In October 2024, a 27-year-old American landed in London claiming the US government persecuted him because he was Black, Jewish, and Mormon. He also said he needed “humanitarian protection” to avoid anti-gay violence, alleged sexual assault by US law enforcement, and then applied for political asylum in the UK.

What a “sensible” state does

The Journal asks the obvious question: what would any sensible government do with a claim like this? The truth is Britain did the opposite of “sensible”—it bankrolled the entire saga. Olabode Shoniregun, a US resident from Las Vegas, was put in a London Holiday Inn for eight months on the taxpayer tab; when told to leave, he refused, so the state moved him into government-provided housing—again paid by taxpayers.

Fourteen months after arrival, Shoniregun was still in the UK. He rotated through various taxpayer-funded providers; at one point he even slept rough, yet he kept collecting £400 a month (about HK$4,200) in housing and living support.

What exposed the story wasn’t some heroic internal audit. Shoniregun documented it himself on social media—videos unboxing designer clothes in a taxpayer-funded hotel room, ordering room service, and drinking on nights out—handing the British public the evidence, directly.

Shoniregun says £400 a month isn’t enough—and demands more welfare.

Shoniregun says £400 a month isn’t enough—and demands more welfare.

The Journal then steps back and explains why people laugh at something that should make them angry: comedy often comes from incongruity—when reality clashes with what we’re supposed to expect. Like the classic parent trick: put a random object on your head and ask a child, “Is this a hat?” The child laughs because it’s obviously not.

“Absurd farce,” paid in cash

British media repeatedly called Shoniregun’s experience an “absurd farce.” And it is: forcing taxpayers to fund a prolonged, looping stay is infuriating—yet it also triggers that uneasy laughter, because you don’t expect a modern state to operate like this.

The Journal’s label for the pattern is “Mr Bean authoritarianism.” It borrows from Rowan Atkinson’s famous character—childish, incompetent, constantly creating chaos through basic lack of common sense. The point isn’t that Britain is cute and clumsy; it’s that the government performs Mr Bean-level blunders without any of Mr Bean’s harmless charm.

The Journal points to another case with the same signature: the “most expensive email in history.” In 2022, an anonymous British military staffer emailed—by accident—the identities of about 18,700 Afghans who had worked with British forces. The government response was a relocation plan costing billions of pounds, plus a court “super-injunction” that blocked reporting—and even blocked mentioning the injunction—for nearly two years. Clumsy error, heavy censorship: that’s the model.

From the government’s point of view, the Shoniregun spotlight is terrible timing, because hotel housing for asylum seekers has already triggered public fury and even unrest. In 2024, despite repeated local objections, the government spent £3.1 billion placing tens of thousands of asylum seekers in hotels; last year at least 200 residents were charged with criminal offences, including a sexual assault case in Epping that set off protests for months.

When “funny” isn’t funny

The Journal is clear: none of this is actually funny. It only feels funny because it’s so absurd—because people don’t expect a country to be governed this way, and yet real people are trapped inside the consequences.

And it wasn’t only the Journal. British media broadly followed the Holiday Inn episode, including Shoniregun’s background: father Nigerian, mother Grenadian, parents migrated to the UK; he was born in the UK but didn’t end up with UK residence rights and moved to the US at age five.

In interviews, Shoniregun didn’t exactly sound embarrassed. He argued: “I've been born in the United Kingdom, so I think that it's crazy for me not to receive some kind of benefit. So I'm not too surprised. And I don't think that £400 is a lot of cash. I deserve that and more, in my opinion.”

A country that allows this kind of Mr Bean-style episode—burning £3.1 billion on hotel placements—looks politically beyond rescue. But the real issue is the double standard: while many Britons protest the UK government approving China’s new embassy, people like Shoniregun are draining the system in plain sight.

Hong Kong fixed its loopholes

Hong Kong once had its own costly problem: a large group of “fake refugees.” With one-stop arrangements from human-rights lawyers, they filed non-refoulement claims in Hong Kong; even after rejection, they dragged cases out through legal aid and judicial reviews.

Hong Kong tightened the system: after improving the electoral system in 2021, it amended the Immigration Ordinance in 2022 to tighten vetting time limits. If the Court of First Instance refuses a judicial review, removal can be enforced even while an appeal is pending.

To stop these Mr Bean-style disasters, the key point is political structure: start by changing a system long monopolised by the opposition camp.

Lo Wing-hung




Bastille Commentary

** The blog article is the sole responsibility of the author and does not represent the position of our company. **

America's double standards sometimes reach a truly appalling level. The US constantly presents itself as the world's defender of human rights — yet when the bodies pile up, human lives don’t seem to count.

On February 28 — the first day of joint US-Israel strikes on Iran — a girls' elementary school in Minab, in southern Iran, was hit. Local officials reported at least 175 deaths. More than 160 of the dead were female pupils.

Washington's first move was to dodge responsibility entirely. Trump suggested the school had been struck by inaccurate Iranian munitions. On March 7, aboard Air Force One, he told reporters: "In my opinion, based on what I've seen, that was done by Iran."

As the controversy grew, Trump changed his tune and claimed ignorance. Then Iran released images of missile debris recovered from the scene — clearly showing a US-made Tomahawk cruise missile, with the words "Made in USA" visibly inscribed on it.

Evidence Written on the Missile

Trump still dug in on March 9. At a press conference in Miami, asked directly whether it was a Tomahawk cruise missile that struck the girls' school, he insisted: "A Tomahawk is very generic. It's sold to other countries. Iran has some Tomahawks, and they want more. But whether it's Iran or somebody else, a Tomahawk is very commonly used." He added that the matter was under investigation.

Those claims were clearly baseless. Neither Iran nor Israel possesses Tomahawk missiles — the United States is effectively the sole operator. Tomahawk exports are strictly controlled; aside from the US, reportedly only Australia and the United Kingdom field these missiles, and there is absolutely no possibility either would sell them to Iran.

In the end, The New York Times — citing a preliminary US military investigation — reported that the girls' school was indeed struck by US forces. Military intelligence personnel had relied on outdated targeting data, mistaking the school for an Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps facility. Tomahawk cruise missiles finished the job, causing devastating casualties.

What makes it worse: the US military carried out a double-tap strike. A second attack arrived just minutes after the first hit on the school — a tactic classically associated with killing first responders. With the evidence overwhelming and the truth impossible to conceal, the US appears to have pre-emptively leaked the findings, acknowledging responsibility in hopes of containing the fallout.

A Front Page the World Won't Forget

The damage is done regardless. Striking an elementary school with cruise missiles has outraged people around the world. Iran's English-language newspaper, the Tehran Times, ran portraits of the more than 160 dead schoolgirls across its entire front page, under the headline: "Trump, Look Them in the Eyes."

Whether intentional or the result of faulty intelligence, this attack may well constitute a war crime under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. Article 8 of the Rome Statute lays out the key conditions clearly.

I. Existence of Armed Conflict

There must be an international armed conflict, and the act must be closely related to that conflict. Ordinary domestic disturbances do not qualify.

II. Victims Must Be Protected Persons

The targets must not be persons directly participating in hostilities — such as civilians, the wounded, and prisoners of war. Protected civilian property, including hospitals and schools, falls under the same prohibition.

III. Serious Violation of International Law

The act must constitute a grave breach of international humanitarian law. It must also have been criminalised under treaty or customary law.

The United States launched a war without UN authorisation — a serious violation of international law — and then missile-struck children who should be protected under the laws of armed conflict. That conduct is potentially criminal as a war crime. Washington readily intervenes in the affairs of other nations for all manner of reasons, yet brushes its own crimes aside with barely a word.

Make no mistake: no US military personnel will be held accountable for this massacre of Iranian schoolchildren. Not the intelligence officers who gathered the faulty data. Not the heads of the relevant intelligence agencies. Not the generals who ordered strikes in that area. Not the Secretary of Defense. Not the President himself. 

This episode carries a pointed message for Hong Kong. When those who have fled abroad continue to eagerly seek meetings with senior US government officials, urging them to keep sanctioning Hong Kong officials or demanding the release of Jimmy Lai, they would do well to remember: these American officials have blood on their hands. They start wars against other countries without justification.

Lo Wing-hung

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