China Forces America to Seek Peace – Trump Says nothing but Praises China on His Way Home

Trump's China visit is over. And there is no longer any doubt: China and the United States are a de facto G2 — two superpowers whose interactions shape the fate of the world. China's position has always been clear: come to talk, and you are welcome; come to fight, and that works too. In the end, it was Trump who came seeking China, opening the door to full bilateral dialogue and negotiations.

Part One: Defining the Relationship

China has firmly seized the initiative in defining Sino-American relations. The two countries have agreed on a new framework — building a "a constructive China-US relationship of strategic stability". That relationship encompasses positive stability with cooperation as the primary mode, healthy stability with bounded competition, normal stability with manageable differences, and durable stability with peace as the expectation. In short, competition exists — but stability is the central axis, steering both nations away from the Thucydides Trap and the prospect of war.

Professor Cui Hongjian of Beijing Foreign Studies University argued that, for too long, the absence of a clear definition for bilateral relations allowed the US side to interpret the relationship arbitrarily and without constraint. The new framework will have a significant impact on policy and behavioral norms. "Constructive" reflects China's long-held policy direction toward the US — avoiding conflict and confrontation while pursuing two-way engagement. "Strategic" reflects both nations' full recognition of the importance of the relationship; China-US ties have become the central axis of international relations, with many countries treating shifts in this relationship as the starting point for their own foreign policy.

Together, "constructive" and "strategic" ultimately point toward "stability." This helps the two countries move from peaceful coexistence toward a more predictable relationship — and from there, toward genuine opportunities for cooperation. With this directional framework set at the summit level, China-US relations now have a clear course with built-in constraints, preventing repeated setbacks or regression.

China views Trump as a businessman who intends to improve ties — but one who has been held back by rampant anti-China forces within the US, including voices inside the Republican Party itself, dragging Washington into petty provocations. By establishing this "constructive and strategically stable relationship" as the official framework, China now has grounds to demand that Washington rein in any American politician who crosses the line.

In the perspective of the US, endorsing this framework represents a major concession — one that effectively signals the US is no longer seeking confrontation with China. Secretary of State Rubio, in an interview with Fox News, described China as both America's greatest geopolitical challenge and its most important relationship to manage carefully. He acknowledged that China has long had its own plan — believing it will become the world's most powerful nation, surpassing the United States — and that China is executing on that plan. He then added that this is understandable, as long as China's rise does not come at America's expense. That statement amounts to an admission that suppressing China's rise is no longer a matter of US national policy.

Part Two: Exchanging Interests

China's primary focus is Taiwan. Ideally, Trump would personally declare his opposition to Taiwan independence; reducing US arms sales to Taiwan is also a substantive concern. Trump was visibly uncomfortable with the issue. When he visited the Temple of Heaven and reporters repeatedly pressed him on Taiwan, he responded only with: "The Temple of Heaven is incredibly beautiful." Rubio was equally evasive in his Fox News interview — saying only that China wants to reunify with Taiwan, but that what China really hopes for, in a perfect world, is Taiwan's voluntary unification with China, and that China hopes Taiwan will one day hold a referendum to return to China. Rubio was employing a carefully calibrated approach: saying things China would not dispute, in order to avoid making any direct statement on Taiwan.

As for the United States, it wants China to purchase American goods in large quantities — for example, 500 Boeing aircraft, along with substantial quantities of agricultural products and energy. China and the US plan to establish a trade committee, reportedly carving out USD 30 billion worth of goods on each side to be mutually exempted from tariffs. China's position is straightforward: the US kept the fentanyl tariffs, so China responded with counter-tariffs on American agricultural products and energy. American goods became so expensive that Chinese consumers could not afford them. If both sides mutually exempt tariffs on equal terms, China can increase its purchases of American goods.

On the Boeing deal, Trump revealed that China agreed to purchase 200 aircraft — quipping, "Boeing wanted to sell 150; China ended up buying 200." But that spin clearly failed to convince the market. Boeing had reportedly been hoping to sell 500 aircraft. When the news broke, Boeing's share price fell nearly 5%, reflecting the market's obvious disappointment with China's order. The two sides continue to spar over trade issues. The reality is that as long as the US is unwilling to make a clearer commitment on Taiwan, China has no reason to offer a sweeter deal.

Part Three: A De Facto G2

Trump's visit to China calls to mind Nixon's trip to Beijing in 1972. At the time, the Cold War between the US and the Soviet Union was at its peak. Nixon chose to reconcile with China — the two countries effectively calling the shots together to contain the Soviet Union. I was a young child then, watching the spectacle of two countries that had been loudly trading insults — the US vowing to completely contain "Red China," China denouncing America as imperialist — suddenly see Nixon travel to Beijing to meet Chairman Mao. That is how realpolitik works: even sworn enemies can find room to cooperate.

Today, China does not want to give the impression that two superpowers are dictating the world's affairs, and still officially resists the "G2" label. But this de facto G2 dynamic is now impossible to reverse. The European Union has effectively disarmed itself. Russia has been bogged down by the war in Ukraine. In reality, only China and the United States have the power to shape the world's direction.

When China and the US ease tensions, the world stabilizes; when they clash, the world shudders. A China-US détente represents a historic choice for both countries — and especially for America. Trump's willingness to adopt a humble posture in Beijing speaks volumes. Just look at how he has humiliated world leaders in the White House — and you will understand just how deferential he was in Beijing.

Anti-China hawks — watching all of this unfold — found it hard to stomach. They latched onto the moment when President Xi shook hands with Rubio, repeatedly noting that China could not touch this sanctioned individual. China's view is entirely pragmatic. When Rubio was a senator railing against China, sanctions were naturally imposed. Now that he has put on the Secretary of State's hat and come to China seeking accommodation, China welcomes him. And the day he takes off that hat and becomes an anti-China figure again, China can always escalate the sanctions. Those who witnessed the handshake between Chairman Mao and Nixon know this amounts to nothing remarkable.

The self-congratulatory commentary from anti-China circles is nothing more than self-delusion. The reality is that even the proudest American president dared not provoke China — and humbly made the trip to Beijing. When Air Force One departed, it did not take Jimmy Lai with it. Those counting on America to come to their rescue will inevitably see that hope dashed. America only looks out for its own interests; these individuals are no more than pawns to be used and discarded. To put it bluntly: if China buys another 100 Boeing aircrafts, America would not say no to a few more dissidents being locked up.

The conclusion is clear: the world has changed. After eight years of trade war, China — through its unwavering resolve and formidable strength — has forced America to come to China seeking peace. And even as Air Force One lifted off, Trump still felt compelled to declare: "It's been an incredible visit. I think a lot of good has come of it."

Lo Wing-hung

Bastille Commentary

** 博客文章文責自負,不代表本公司立場 **

On the surface, China-US relations look calm. In reality, both sides are locked in close combat.

Foreign Minister Wang Yi met US Secretary of State Marco Rubio on July 22. The meeting took place on the sidelines of the ASEAN Foreign Ministers' Meeting in Manila.

According to Xinhua, Wang Yi told Rubio that this year marks a landmark year for China-US relations. He noted that the two heads of state held a historic summit in Beijing, which established a positioning of "constructive and stable" strategic relations between the two countries.

Wang also set out China's firm position on what he called a series of negative words and actions by the US side. He demanded that Washington respect China's core interests, abide by the one-China principle, effectively manage frictions and disagreements, and address China's legitimate concerns, so that this year of opportunity for bilateral relations can become reality. Xinhua described the meeting as pragmatic, positive, and constructive.

Wang Yi's phrase "recent series of negative words and actions by the US" deserves close attention. The fact that the meeting was ultimately summed up as "constructive" suggests Washington offered certain commitments behind closed doors.

Two recent moves from the US side stand out as negative. While Washington has delayed new arms sales to Taiwan, it has refused to commit to stopping them altogether. The other issue is tied to AI large language models. China's Moonshot AI recently released its new Kimi K3 model, and its capabilities have caught up with America's most advanced systems.

The breakthrough triggered intense attention and drew a wave of negative commentary from US officials.

US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent insists that America remains ahead. He claims the US leads China in AI by roughly a year. His next goal is to push America's share of global computing capacity from the current 60 percent straight up to 80 percent.

Bessent then said on July 21 that Washington would rigorously scrutinize AI models developed overseas with open-source code, including products released by Chinese firms. Should any such model be found to have stolen the intellectual property of US companies, he said, the US government has the means to impose sanctions.

Bessent also said the US government may go a step further and assess whether American companies using Chinese AI models should be required to disclose this to their customers. He likened the issue to that of counterfeit goods, stressing that businesses cannot use products built on stolen intellectual property.

These remarks show that the Trump administration has been thrown off balance by China's new model. It is now scrambling for ways to suppress it. The scrutiny of China's AI sector, which had focused on export controls over advanced chips, may now widen to cover training data, the provenance of underlying technology, corporate disclosure obligations, and intellectual property disputes. Fresh risk added to the US-China AI rivalry.

It's fair to assume that Wang Yi's warning to Rubio went beyond demanding a full halt to US arms sales to Taiwan. The warning was also aimed squarely at Bessent's remarks, calling for an end to the smearing and suppression of Chinese AI models.

This can be summed up in two points.

First, faced with the shock of China's AI advances, the US wants to preserve its own technological lead while unjustly suppressing others at the same time. No amount of spin from Bessent can whitewash that kind of behavior.

Second, Bessent's accusation that Chinese models copied American ones is, in essence, a trumped-up charge. It is one the US can investigate, "convict," and sanction entirely on its own terms. Wang Yi's warning was, in effect, laying the unpleasant truth on the table in advance.

From Beijing's perspective, if Washington uses this as a pretext to escalate, China could immediately turn the tables. President Xi could simply decline to visit the US in September, and Trump, in turn, need not bother coming to Shenzhen in October. That would inevitably rattle the US economy and stock market, right before Trump has to explain himself to voters in November's midterm elections.