One man. Two completely opposite personas. The contrast is nothing short of astonishing.
In the White House Oval Office, Trump lectures foreign leaders as a matter of routine. Ukrainian President Zelensky, Canadian Prime Minister Carney, British Prime Minister Starmer, French President Macron — each was either berated to his face or skewered with biting sarcasm. Hardly anyone walked away unscathed.
Yet the ferocious tiger that roars in the Oval Office turned into a tame kitten the moment he touched down in China. Trump offered no hostile remarks. He was measured. He was reasonable.
On the question of Taiwan independence, Trump later told interviewers that he had discussed the matter in depth with President Xi Jinping, and had come to understand China's position — proof that he is, when it counts, capable of listening and reaching a compromise.
The Beijing visit produced several moments that will linger in the memory. The most striking came while the two leaders strolled among ancient trees at Zhongnanhai. Trump asked President Xi whether he often received foreign leaders there. Xi shook his head: "Very rarely. At first, we usually didn’t hold diplomatic events here. Even after we started having some, it’s still extremely rare. " Xi then added one name: "For example, Putin has been here." Trump's reply was immediate — "Good. I like it." The look on his face said it all: visibly flattered.
Anti-China commentators, finding little to criticize about the visit, resorted to fabrication. One claim held that President Xi wore shoes with padded heels to make him look taller. Word of these baseless rumors apparently reached Trump, because he went out of his way in a later interview to describe his impressions of Xi. He noted that Xi was exceptionally tall for a Chinese man. He then added: if Hollywood ever needed someone to play a Chinese leader, no one could match Xi Jinping.
If Trump's deference was striking, the posture of those behind him was even more so. At the welcome ceremony at the East Gate of the Great Hall of the People, America's most senior officials stood in a row. Behind them, a crowd of business leaders — with a combined market capitalisation of tens of trillions of dollars — lined up in the blazing sun, waiting for President Xi to come and shake their hands. Commentators were blunt: no country other than China has ever commanded such a scene.
Trump's China visit passed without confrontation, and the world exhaled. The analyses followed swiftly. American media was divided: admirers called Trump's approach pragmatic; critics said he conceded too much. The Times of India struck the sharpest note. Drawing on interviews with numerous American analysts, the paper offered one representative verdict: Trump's trip was America's "Suez Moment." Trump's statement that he is “not looking for traveling 9,500 miles to fight a war" for Taiwan, had raised widespread, serious questions about America's willingness to defend the island.
The conclusion was hard to avoid — the United States is no longer capable of making unilateral decisions that shape the world.
The Times of India, citing American analysts, concluded that Beijing emerged as the biggest strategic winner from Trump's visit. China demonstrated its standing as America's equal on the world stage. It also proved that the United States is increasingly constrained in its ability to counter Chinese power.
The "Suez Moment" analysts invoke refers to the Suez Crisis of 1956. Egypt nationalized the Suez Canal. Britain and France, alongside Israel, launched a military intervention. Both the United States and the Soviet Union opposed them fiercely, and Britain and France were forced to withdraw. Britain's inability to conduct major international affairs without American backing was laid bare for the world to see.
Over time, "Suez Moment" came to describe something larger — a pivotal turning point where an old order collapses and a new power rises. Today, the term frames a broader debate: the emerging world order in the wake of America's declining hegemony.
Trump's China visit makes one thing clear: the world has changed. America no longer calls the shots alone. But where China and the United States do find common ground, it will be very difficult for anyone else to challenge them.
Lo Wing-hung
Bastille Commentary
** 博客文章文責自負,不代表本公司立場 **
The most dramatic moment of Trump's China visit didn't happen in Beijing. It happened after he left.
During Trump's tour of the Temple of Heaven, reporters pressed him repeatedly on Taiwan. He deflected every question with a single line: "China is beautiful."
But once his visit concluded on May 15, the evasion ended. That evening, Foreign Minister Wang Yi summarized the visit with a pointed declaration: "We sensed that the US side understands China's position on Taiwan, takes China's concerns seriously, and — like the international community — does not recognize or accept Taiwan moving toward independence." At the time, Wang Yi's words seemed like a one-sided claim. Then Trump confirmed every word.
Fox News released an interview on May 16 in which anchor Bret Baier put the question bluntly: "After meeting with Xi Jinping, should people in Taiwan feel more safe or less safe?" Trump's answer was telling. "Neutral. This has been going on for years," he said. Then came the pivot. "I will say this: I'm not looking to have somebody go independent. And, you know, we're supposed to travel 9,500 miles to fight a war. I'm not looking for that."
Trump went further. "I want them to cool down. I want China to cool down. We don't want war. If you kept it the way it is, I think China is [going to] be OK with that. But we're not looking to have somebody say, ‘Let's go independent because the United States is backing us.'"
These remarks mark a significant break from decades of US policy. Washington had long maintained strategic ambiguity on Taiwan — avoiding direct comment on independence and simply calling for the status quo to be preserved. Trump's statement differs on two fronts. First, he explicitly said the US does not want to see Taiwan move toward independence and does not support it. Second, he made clear the US does not want to fight a war over Taiwan.
Arms sales proved equally contentious. Aboard Air Force One after departing Beijing, reporters raised the USD 14 billion arms sale to Taiwan. Trump said the US would consult "the people currently governing Taiwan" before making a decision soon. He did not mention Lai Ching-te by name — referring to him only as "the people currently governing Taiwan."
A reporter pressed back. Under the assurances President Reagan gave Taiwan in 1982, the US committed not to consult China on arms sales to Taiwan — yet that was precisely what appeared to be happening. Trump was unapologetic. "1982 was a long time ago," he said. "I certainly mentioned the arms sales to Taiwan with President Xi — we did discuss it, obviously. That's very detailed. And I'll make a decision."
Trump's Taiwan stance carries implications on several levels. The first is choreography. Trump waited until he had left Beijing before publicly opposing Taiwan independence — avoiding the awkward spectacle of being hounded by reporters in China about abandoning Taiwan. The timing appears coordinated between Washington and Beijing in advance. That explains why Wang Yi pre-announced that "the US does not recognize or accept Taiwan moving toward independence." Wang Yi said it first; Trump confirmed it after.
The second implication is commercial. Trump is a businessman, and his opposition to Taiwan independence is a bargaining chip for greater trade concessions. Both sides announced a trade deal and the establishment of a "Trade Council" to manage bilateral commerce — yet China has yet to publicize any figure for purchases of American goods. Beijing is holding back that announcement, waiting for Trump to take a definitive stance on Taiwan and resolve the arms sale question. Trump delivered his part. The US can now expect its reward.
The third implication is strategic — and its impact is immediate. Trump's remarks have dramatically narrowed the space for Taiwan's ruling Democratic Progressive Party to pursue independence. By saying he doesn't want to fight a war over Taiwan, Trump is effectively declaring: "Taiwan's problems are not my problems." That position runs directly counter to Japanese Prime Minister Takaichi Sanae's assertion that "a Taiwan contingency is a Japan contingency". The fallout does not stop with the pro-independence camp in Taiwan. Takaichi Sanae now finds herself in an extremely awkward and vulnerable position.
The US today follows an "America First" policy — an isolationist course in which American interests come before all else. Those who serve as Washington's pawns will ultimately find themselves discarded. In today's world, it is China and the United States who call the shots. China may not want to be part of a "G2" arrangement, but in reality, that is precisely what it has become.
Lo Wing-hung
