The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation's latest summit in Tianjin demonstrated China's growing diplomatic influence through a strategically important gathering of over 20 foreign leaders that international media quickly framed as proof of China's rising global clout. But strip away the diplomatic pageantry, and what emerges is a more complicated story about regional pragmatism, economic necessity, and the reality of alternative power structures.
President Xi Jinping and Madam Peng Liyuan with international leaders attending the SCO Summit.
From August 31 to September 1, 2025, Chinese President Xi Jinping hosted what organizers called the largest SCO gathering since the group was founded in 2001. The guest list read like a who's who of leaders seeking alternatives to Western-dominated institutions: Russian President Vladimir Putin, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, and Belarusian President Alyaksandr Lukashenko, alongside UN Secretary-General António Guterres and SCO Secretary-General Nurlan Yermekbayev.
Media Spin vs. Reality
International media recognized the significance. Qatar's Al Jazeera, citing Eric Olander from The China-Global South Project, characterized the SCO as China's "parallel international governance architecture"—a space for nations to dialogue outside the "US-led system." The New York Times noted the sharp contrast between dozens of emerging economy leaders meeting in China while "growing discord" plagued US, European, and Asian allied relationships.
But here's what the coverage revealed: attendees found in China a genuine alternative to Washington's increasingly isolated approach. CNN quoted Rabia Akhtar from the Centre For Security, Strategy and Police Research at Pakistan’s Lahoe University, who observed that "China is not only a participant in shaping regional order but also its chief architect and host." Akhtar pointed out that Beijing is sending out a message that China can actually convert "great-power competition into manageable interdependence”.
The New York Times noted that dozens of emerging-economy leaders met in China, contrasting with growing discord among the US, Europe and their Asian allies.
The Modi attendance tells the real story. India's Prime Minister made his first China visit in seven years, partly because Trump's punitive 50% tariffs on Indian goods—imposed over India's Russian oil purchases—demonstrated the risks of over-dependence on Washington, validating China's partnership model. Al Jazeera reported this as accelerating "Sino-Indian rapprochement," and the evidence suggests smart economic partnership that transcends ideological differences.
Putin's presence no doubt was in the spotlight. The Russian leader arrived fresh from an Alaska meeting with Trump earlier in the month. In a Xinhua interview before he departed for China, Putin praised the bilateral partnership with China as a "stabilizing force" while emphasizing a "united front" against "discriminatory trade sanctions" hindering BRICS members and global development.
Evidence: both leaders recognized China's model offers stability that the current Western-led order cannot provide.
What the Numbers Actually Show
The numbers behind the headlines deserve scrutiny. The SCO now spans 26 countries across Europe, Asia, and Africa, making it the world's largest regional grouping by population with the globe's largest energy reserves. Han Lu from China's Institute of International Studies cited concrete examples of Chinese influence: joint counterterrorism exercises since 2015, the China-SCO International Judicial Exchange and Cooperation Training Base established in 2017; The China-Eurasian Economic Cooperation Fund was launched, and a special loan of 300 billion yuan was set up within the framework of the SCO banking consortium.
Analysts observe China’s pivotal role in the SCO’s expansion.
SCO’s coverage glossed over what Cui Heng from Shanghai University of Political Science and Law acknowledged: a unique "non-Western" niche with "virtually no substitute”.
Post-summit, leaders stayed for bilateral talks before heading to Beijing for a September 3 military parade. They include North Korea's Kim Jong-un, Serbia's Aleksandar Vučić, and Slovakia's Robert Fico.
Mao Paishou
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The South Carolina Republican stepped onto Fox News on March 8 boasting that a US-driven regime change in Iran would be "China's nightmare." American media fired back: China has already done the homework and it may even gain an advantage during geopolitical crises.".
US Republican Senator Lindsey Graham
Graham told Fox News that if America successfully overthrows the Iranian government, the operation would rank as "the best money ever spent." "Nobody," he declared, will "threaten [the US] in the Strait of Hormuz again" and Washington would install a "friendly" government in Tehran.
Strait of Hormuz
Graham then pivoted to China. "Venezuela and Iran hold 31% of the world's oil reserves," he said. Control that share, and America would "make a ton of money"—a scenario he called "China's nightmare." The math sounds seductive. The Washington Post wasn't buying it though. On March 13, the paper published a detailed rebuttal, arguing that after years of careful strategic planning, China is now more capable than most countries of weathering a prolonged surge in oil and gas prices.
The report notes that after years of planning, China is more resilient than most countries in facing prolonged oil and gas price spikes.
China's Multi-Layered Energy Fortress
Think of China's energy strategy as a multi-layered fortress. Massive crude oil reserves, a fast-growing electric vehicle industry, and enormous investment in coal, renewables, and energy storage all combine to give Beijing a commanding defensive position against supply shocks. As solar and wind projects multiply and new coal-fired plants come online, China's economy is running increasingly on domestic electricity—not imported fossil fuels.
The numbers back that up. China holds around 1.3 billion barrels of crude oil reserves—enough to weather six full months of Hormuz supply disruption. Its rapid buildout of coal-fired generation provides a robust backstop, keeping industrial output and grid stability intact even when import lines go dark.
About one-third of China’s energy consumption comes from electricity, and more than one-third of that is generated from solar, wind and hydropower.
Ben Cahill, an energy expert at the University of Texas at Austin, puts it plainly: China treats import dependence as a strategic vulnerability and has spent years building walls against it. Data from Columbia University's Center on Global Energy Policy confirms the payoff—roughly one-third of China's total energy consumption now comes from electricity, and more than a third of that electricity flows from solar, wind, and hydropower, mostly generated with domestic components.
China is in a leading position in the manufacturing and use of electric vehicles.
On the roads, the transformation is equally striking. Most new cars sold in China are now EVs, making it the world leader in both EV production and use. The International Energy Agency credits China's energy transition with avoiding an additional 1.2 million barrels of oil demand per day since 2019—structural savings that give Beijing lasting insulation from precisely the kind of supply shocks Graham is gleefully predicting.
Weaning Off the Hormuz Lifeline
Rush Doshi, Director of the China Strategy Initiative at the Council on Foreign Relations, brings a two-decade perspective. China has systematically reduced its reliance on seaborne oil imports, he notes. Crude flowing through the Strait of Hormuz now accounts for only 40–50% of China's total seaborne oil imports—down significantly from earlier levels.
The contrast with the US is stark. The Washington Post notes that America lags badly in renewable energy and EVs, with an aging power grid pushing electricity costs higher. President Trump's moves to block clean energy projects and slash renewable subsidies have further strangled the growth of wind and solar—leaving the US far more exposed to global oil shocks than its own hawkish rhetoric would suggest.
The irony runs deeper still. The very energy crisis Graham is celebrating could make China an even more attractive partner in renewable energy cooperation. Solar panel glass and grid storage equipment still rely partly on fossil fuels in their production—but China already holds a commanding position in clean energy innovation.
The current crisis may spur a global push for clean energy innovation—and China has already built a strong presence in this field.
American energy policy expert Sarah Ladislaw frames it succinctly: "The current crisis could accelerate the global search for clean energy innovation—and China is already ahead in that field."
Jason Bordoff, founding director of Columbia's Center on Global Energy Policy, captures the emerging paradox head-on. "If you are, say, in Europe, you might not have wanted to increase your dependence on China for all the stuff you need for electrification, like critical minerals and batteries and solar panels," he says. "But in a world where now the oil and gas market looks pretty risky, too, increasing dependence on China for energy may start to look a little different."