US abortion numbers have risen slightly since Roe was overturned, study finds

The number of women getting abortions in the U.S. actually went up in the first three months of 2024 compared with before the Supreme Court overturned Roe v Wade, a report released Wednesday found, reflecting the lengths that Democratic-controlled states went to expand access.

A major reason for the increase is that some Democratic-controlled states enacted laws to protect doctors who use telemedicine to see patients in places that have abortion bans, according to the quarterly #WeCount report for the Society of Family Planning, which supports abortion access.

The data comes ahead of November elections in which abortion-rights supporters hope the issue will drive voters to the polls. In some places, voters will have a chance to enshrine or reject state-level abortion protections.

Fallout from the Supreme Court’s June 2022 ruling in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization has remade the way abortion works across the country. The #WeCount data, which has been collected in a monthly survey since April 2022, shows how those providing and seeking abortion have adapted to changing laws.

The survey found that the number of abortions fell to nearly zero in states that ban abortion in all stages of pregnancy and declined by about half in places that ban it after six weeks of pregnancy, before many women know they are pregnant. Fourteen states are enforcing bans on abortion at all stages of pregnancy, with some exceptions, and four others bar it after about six weeks of pregnancy.

Numbers went up in places where abortion remains legal until further into pregnancy — and especially in states such as Illinois, Kansas and New Mexico, which border states with bans.

The report estimates that if not for the post-Dobbs bans, there would have been about 9,900 more abortions per month — and 208,000 total since — in those states. The numbers were up by more than 2,600 per month in Illinois, about 1,300 in Virginia, 1,200 in Kansas and more than 500 in New Mexico.

Abortion pills and telemedicine play a key role. In March, doctors in states with laws to protect medical providers used telemedicine to prescribe abortion pills to nearly 10,000 patients in states with bans or restrictions on abortion by telehealth — accounting for about 1 in 10 abortions in the U.S.

Laws to protect medical providers who use telemedicine to prescribe abortion pills started taking effect in some Democratic-led states last year.

“It eases the burden on clinics,” said Ushma Upadhyay, a University of California, San Francisco School of Medicine professor who co-leads #WeCount. “So it creates more space for the people who are coming to clinics.”

Abortion opponents say the fight over the abortion drug mifepristone isn’t over after a narrow Supreme Court ruling that preserved access to it for now. But so far there have not been legal challenges to shield laws.

The latest edition of the survey covers the first three months of this year, when it counted an average of just under 99,000 abortions per month, compared with 84,000 in the two months before Dobbs. January was the first time since the survey began that it has counted more than 100,000 abortions across the country in a single month.

The tracking effort collects monthly data from providers across the country, creating a snapshot of abortion trends. In some states, a portion of the data is estimated. The effort makes data public with less than a six-month lag, giving a picture of trends far faster than annual reports from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, where the most recent report covers abortion in 2021.

Before the shield laws began kicking in and #WeCount started tallying them, people were still getting some pills in places with bans.

One of the states where abortions increased was Florida. That changed in April, when a ban after six weeks' gestation took effect. The data doesn't yet reflect that change.

The policy could change again through a November ballot measure that would make abortion legal until viability, generally considered to be around 23 or 24 weeks into pregnancy. It needs at least 60% approval to be added to the state constitution.

One vote against it will come from Mia Adkins, a 20-year-old senior at Florida International University.

“Instead of pushing for more abortion legal later in pregnancy, we should be pushing for laws that protect these pregnant parents and students and provide them with the support that they need,” said Akins, a senior at Florida International University.

Florida is one of six states where abortion-related measures are already on the ballot. Determinations from elections officials about adding similar questions are pending in four more states. In one, Nebraska, there are dueling amendments: One to allow access until viability and one to keep the current ban on most abortions after 12 weeks of pregnancy.

Abortion-rights supporters have prevailed in all seven abortion ballot questions in the U.S. since 2022. That tracks with public opinion polling that has shown growing support for abortion rights, including a recent Associated Press-NORC poll that found 6 in 10 Americans think their state should allow someone to obtain a legal abortion if they don't want to be pregnant for any reason.

An amendment to protect access could be on the ballot in Arizona, a political battleground state where court cases have swung abortion policy — and access — since the Dobbs ruling.

The state Supreme Court ruled in April that Arizona should enforce an 1864 ban on abortions at all stages of pregnancy, only for lawmakers to repeal that law. The state's ban on abortion after 15 weeks of pregnancy remains. The ballot measure would expand it to 24 weeks.

Natalie Harper, a 23-year-old independent who usually doesn't vote, said the potential of bringing back the Civil War-era ban “absolutely” impacts her decision to vote for the ballot measure this November. “Seeing that as a possibility really made me realize that everyone’s pro-choice voices need to be heard in hopes it never goes in that direction again,” she said.

In Missouri, which has outlawed almost all abortions and where nearly none were reported in the new data, election officials could soon certify whether a proposed constitutional amendment guaranteeing abortion rights received enough petition signatures to qualify for the ballot in the reliably Republican state.

University of Missouri political scientist Peverill Squire said that if the measure is on the ballot, it could draw out enough Democratic voters to help swing a few competitive legislative races.

“They can seize on the personal freedom arguments the Republicans have generally owned over the recent elections,” he said.

Associated Press writers Sejal Govindarao in Phoenix and David A. Lieb in Jefferson City, Missouri, contributed to this report.

Chart showing abortions rise with telehealth prescriptions. A new report shows the number of monthly abortions in the U.S. has risen since the Supreme Court's ruling that opened the door for state bans. The #WeCount report says a major reason for the increase is that some Democratic-controlled states have laws to protect prescribers who use telemedicine to see patients in places with abortion bans. (AP Digital Embed)

Chart showing the change in number of average monthly abortions in the first quarter of 2024 compared with that before the Supreme Court's Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health ruling. (AP Digital Embed)

FILE - Rod Sommer fills out his ballot during early, in-person voting at the Hamilton County Board of Elections in Cincinnati, Oct. 11, 2023. Voters approved on Nov. 7, 2023 an amendment to the Ohio Constitution to protect access to abortion. (AP Photo/Carolyn Kaster, File)

FILE - Krista Bywater shows her eight-months-pregnant belly during an abortion advocacy rally outside the Supreme Court, May 14, 2022, in Washington. (AP Photo/Jacquelyn Martin, File)

FILE - Abortion advocates rally outside the Supreme Court, June 24, 2022, in Washington. (AP Photo/Julia Nikhinson, File)

ATLANTA (AP) — Here’s how a Georgia legislative session is supposed to end:

After a last-minute rush of negotiations, lawmakers jam through final agreements on a few more bills as the clock ticks past midnight.

Legislative staffers crowd into chambers as leaders thank employees against a soundtrack of paper being ripped into pieces.

Finally, the presiding officer recognizes the climactic motion to adjourn “sine die,” a Latin phrase that means to leave without a day to return.

Then everyone tosses shredded paper into the air and cheers.

Friday, though, Georgia’s state Senate just left.

The motion to adjourn by Republican Senate Majority Leader Steve Gooch of Dahlonega came shortly after 9 p.m. with none of the usual buildup. There was no thanks to the staff. Senators hadn’t even torn up much paper.

Georgia lawmakers can pick up bills in 2026 where they left off Friday, the second year of a two-year session, but they left plenty on the table.

Among items that didn’t pass were proposals to force Georgia to leave a multistate election group, a push by Jones to establish more legislative control over rules enacted by state agencies, an effort to ban diversity programs in public schools and colleges and a bill to let people sue local governments for not cooperating with federal immigration officials.

The sudden departure came after it became increasingly clear some Senate measures were languishing in the House and that Senate leaders had lost their appetite to bargain. It was possible to leave early because lawmakers had already agreed on a budget and other highest-priority legislation including tax cuts, a school safety bill, new limits on lawsuits and banning transgender girls and women from participating in women’s sports.

The collision was reminiscent of the 2023 legislative session, the first year Burns and Jones led their chambers. Many big issues didn’t pass after the chambers got into a standoff over the budget and licensing rules for hospitals. Then, it appeared Jones was trying to force his will on the House, a reversal of the traditional dynamic in Georgia, where the House has often had its way.

Ultimately, many issues derailed in 2023 ended up passing in 2024, including loosening hospital permitting requirements, imposing basic protections for renters and creating a voucher program to pay for private school and home-schooling.

As senators cheered their departure Friday, veteran state Rep. Alan Powell was at the microphone in the House proposing changes to a hotly debated bill to regulate automated speed detection cameras in school zones.

Suddenly, there was no reason for the Hartwell Republican to continue, as there were no senators left to agree to amendments.

Republican House Speaker Jon Burns of Newington and his staff exchanged bewildered glances as House lawmakers murmured.

“It appears that the Senate has checked all their priorities, all their political priorities, and decided to end their night early instead of finishing their work on behalf of the people we represent,” Burns told the House. “Of course, they’re free to do as they please, but this chamber puts policy over politics."

Many longtime lawmakers were baffled. House Rules Committee Chairman Butch Parrish, a Swainsboro Republican who has served since the 1980s, said senators “broke new ground.”

Representatives approved a few more bills that didn't need further Senate action, and then also went home early.

Jones downplayed any conflict.

“What do you mean what happened?” Jones said afterward. “We ended session.”

Jones said senators had achieved their goals and he had been bucking for an early adjournment all day.

“We got a lot of things done,” he said. “And so there was no need to stay here until midnight.”

Some minority Democrats were ecstatic because bills they opposed didn't become law. “Victory!” shouted Atlanta Democrat Shea Roberts as she left the Capitol.

“The reality is that a lot of this session was spent on political messaging bills and on politics instead of focusing on Georgian families,” said state Sen. Jason Esteves, an Atlanta Democrat considering a run for governor in 2026.

Both Jones and Burns said there are no hard feelings over how things ended Friday, although Burns said he would have liked to clinch an agreement on school zone speed cameras.

House Majority Whip James Burchett, a Valdosta Republican, said that while House members may have held off on passing Senate proposals to “fully vet” them, the chambers have no choice but to work together.

“The Senate needs the House and the House needs the Senate,” Burchett said. "It would do no good if anyone were to hold some sort of grudge for this."

A teenaged page carries paper to toss into the air to celebrate the end of the 2025 legislative session on Friday, April 4, 2025 at the state Capitol in Atlanta. (AP Photo/Jeff Amy)

Georgia House members toss paper into the air to celebrate the end of the 2025 legislative session on Friday, April 4, 2025 at the state Capitol in Atlanta. (AP Photo/Jeff Amy)

Paper lies strewn in the Georgia Senate chamber after lawmakers tossed it into the air to celebrate the end of the 2025 legislative session on Friday, April 4, 2025 at the state Capitol in Atlanta. (AP Photo/Jeff Amy)