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We Are Facing State-Level Adversaries

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We Are Facing State-Level Adversaries
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Blog

We Are Facing State-Level Adversaries

2026-03-28 11:18 Last Updated At:11:18

The SAR government proposed amendments to Article 43 of the Hong Kong National Security Law's implementation details. Opposition figures quickly spread claims online that police could forcibly unlock citizens' mobile phones during inspections and search journalists' devices at will.

In today's complex geopolitical landscape, countries are tightening national security laws. Hong Kong opposition figures often cite Western democracies as models. In fact, device "unlock orders" already exist across multiple "Five Eyes" nations.
 
The Hong Kong government, in documents submitted to the Legislative Council, referenced laws from the United Kingdom, Australia, New Zealand, Ireland, and Singapore—all containing similar provisions requiring mandatory disclosure of electronic device passwords. When these governments drafted their legislation, they all concluded that crime prevention outweighs privacy rights and the right to silence, leading them to establish such provisions.
 
First, the West Has Already Legislated
 
The UK's Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act 2000, Part III, sets a maximum penalty of 5 years imprisonment for violating an "unlock order."
 
Australia's Crimes Act 1914, Section 3LA sets a maximum penalty of 10 years' imprisonment.
 
New Zealand's Search and Surveillance Act 2012 imposes a maximum penalty of 3 months' imprisonment.
 
Singapore's Criminal Procedure Code 2010, Sections 39 and 40 authorize the Public Prosecutor to direct police to obtain encrypted information. Non-compliance carries a fine up to S$10,000 (roughly HK$61,000) or imprisonment up to 3 years.
 
Across these jurisdictions, the United Kingdom, Australia, and Singapore all impose penalties significantly harsher than Hong Kong's.
 
The Fifth Amendment to the United States Federal Constitution protects against self-incrimination. A phone passcode is a product of conscious thought; under the Fifth Amendment's logic, no one can be forced to reveal their thinking and thereby incriminate themselves, so no US law requires phone owners to surrender their passcode.
 
Yet the US government has found a workaround. Modern phones unlock via biometric features—facial recognition or fingerprints. A face or fingerprint is merely a biological characteristic, not language or conscious thought, and cannot represent a person's thinking. It involves no coercion of free will and thus requires no Fifth Amendment protection.
 
Today, provided a court issues a lawful warrant, US police can compel a phone owner to place their finger on the screen or open their eyes for facial scanning, forcing the device to unlock. Refusing a court warrant constitutes contempt of court.
 
Countries of the West require unlocking electronic devices to strengthen counter-terrorism efforts, investigate crimes, or address illegal immigration. Hong Kong's requirement is not unique.
 
Second, Hong Kong has court oversight

Hong Kong police officers seeking to unlock electronic devices must apply to the court for a warrant, with the court serving as the gatekeeper. If invoking Article 43 of the Hong Kong National Security Law, officers must demonstrate reasonable suspicion that the device contains evidence of crimes endangering national security under the law before a court warrant can be obtained. This directly contradicts opposition claims—police cannot arbitrarily stop citizens on the street and demand they unlock their phones.

Third, no exemptions for specific professions
 
On whether media outlets can refuse to unlock phones by citing "protection of news sources," Security Bureau Secretary Chris Tang Ping-keung was clear: everyone must comply with the law regardless of profession. No occupation receives exemption, and all individuals must provide materials related to national security cases in accordance with the law.
 
Press confidentiality enjoys no special privilege in countries like Britain and America, nor can it serve as a reasonable justification for refusing to unlock electronic devices—this is international practice.

Britain has imprisoned journalists for refusing to disclose their sources, while Australian police investigated in 2014 under the Proceeds of Crime Act whether Seven Network (Channel Seven) paid substantial fees in exchange for exclusive interviews with newly paroled drug trafficker Schapelle Corby, causing considerable controversy. Thus, even in Countries of the West, protecting sources is not grounds for refusing to unlock electronic devices or obstructing media searches.
 
The Jimmy Lai case is another apt example. On August 10, 2020, Hong Kong police searched the Apple Daily headquarters and arrested its founder Jimmy Lai and several company executives, ultimately prosecuting and convicting them. Police also successfully obtained a court order to unlock Jimmy Lai's mobile phone, obtaining crucial evidence of his violations of the Hong Kong National Security Law. This case precisely demonstrates that media figures can commit serious crimes and are not exempt from investigation.

In summary, even in the Western world, device unlock orders have become commonplace, with similar legislation prevalent in Countries of the West and often even more stringent than Hong Kong's. Endangering national security is the most serious crime, and law enforcement requires effective powers to investigate and combat it.
 
The amended regulations now include court oversight to safeguard human rights. On the other hand, national security legislation primarily targets the highest-level criminals, even state-level actors, who possess abundant resources and employ sophisticated tactics, making them extremely difficult to counter—they are not ordinary people like you and me.

Do not underestimate Hong Kong's national security risks. When facing state-level adversaries, Hong Kong is extremely vulnerable and must build strong legal safeguards to prevent serious breaches of national security.

Lo Wing-hung




Bastille Commentary

** 博客文章文責自負,不代表本公司立場 **

Some often claim that "Hong Kong has moved from governance to prosperity, so there's no need to talk about national security every day." If they are not simply naïve, then they are clearly unaware of the complex international landscape.

On Monday (March 23), the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region government published amendments to the Implementing Rules of Article 43 under the Law of the People's Republic of China on Safeguarding National Security in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. Drawing on practical experience enforcing the National Security Law, the government made key revisions to the Implementing Rules including several critical areas:

1.It added supplementary provisions concerning electronic devices and materials. The revised Rules changed police officers’ authority to request "materials" to explicitly include electronic forms. The term "designated evidence" of national security threats, originally defined as "any objects," now covers "anything," encompassing electronic messages. The scope of search locations explicitly includes "electronic equipment." Suspects who refuse to provide passwords for relevant electronic devices or who give false statements will be guilty of a criminal offense.

Today, vast amounts of illegal material are stored on electronic devices. Without specifying that electronic devices must be subject to investigation, loopholes could easily be exploited to deny inspection.

2. It clarified the meaning of "external forces." Concerning Schedule 5 regulating foreign organizations, the original Rules allowed requests for information from "foreign and Taiwan political organizations and foreign and Taiwan agents" about activities related to Hong Kong. The Revised Regulations changed this to allow requests from "external political organizations and agents of external forces" regarding such activities.

Expanded Definitions and Enforcement Powers

The original rules targeted only "foreign and Taiwanese" political organizations and their agents. The "Revised Regulations" now expand the scope to "external political organizations" or "external forces." This change allows authorities to comprehensively crack down on disguised foreign forces—even if they do not appear to be foreign or Taiwanese groups on the surface.

The new revision grants customs officers the power to confiscate items suspected of seditious intent. Previously, only the Secretary for Justice, the Secretary for Security, or police officers could freeze, restrict, seize, or confiscate property linked to crimes endangering national security. The "Revised Regulations" add customs authorities, empowering customs officers to inspect items reasonably suspected of fomenting sedition at entry and exit points, and establish a streamlined process to confiscate such materials. This strengthens controls against smuggled seditious goods entering Hong Kong.

When announcing the "Revised Regulations," the HKSAR government emphasized that safeguarding national security is an ongoing effort with no endpoint. Amid the complex and evolving geopolitical landscape, Hong Kong faces national security risks that can emerge suddenly and unpredictably. The government must therefore remain vigilant, continuously enhance the legal framework and enforcement mechanisms, and promptly prevent and resolve emerging security threats. The "Revised Regulations" build on valuable experience accumulated by Hong Kong in safeguarding national security. 

Ongoing Vigilance in a Turbulent World

The world today is engulfed in conflict and war, with the United States often acting as the provocateur. Venezuelan President Maduro was abducted during a U.S. incursion, and Iran’s Supreme Leader Khamenei was assassinated—both countries reveal serious national security vulnerabilities. Every nation or region risks infiltration by foreign forces; Hong Kong could become a national security weak spot. Continuous learning from practical experience, identifying legal loopholes, and adopting advanced measures are essential to ensure Hong Kong’s defenses remain airtight.

Global turmoil proves that no place is truly safe or immune to interference. Once disorder erupts, anywhere can turn into a battlefield. Consider Lebanon, now largely reduced to ruins. This small country of six million once thrived after its 1943 independence, earning the nickname "Paris of the Middle East." But by 1975, outside forces had infiltrated, sparking a civil war between Christian and Islamic factions that has dragged on, leaving devastation in its wake. This is a stark warning—constant vigilance must be our watchword.

 

Lo Wing-hung

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