China Leads Myanmar Quake Rescue: 14 Chinese Satellites Deployed While US Aid Vanishes

The major earthquake in Myanmar has unexpectedly sparked discussions about US-China soft power competition. China has actively participated in disaster relief through coordinated aerospace technology and humanitarian diplomacy, while the US remains conspicuously absent even after the critical "golden window of 72 hours" have passed. US military officials have even expressed concerns that China's precise satellite imaging for rescue operations might expose American activities in Myanmar.

On March 28, 2023, a 7.9-magnitude earthquake struck central Myanmar, killing thousands of people, injuring teven more more, and causing widespread destruction that extended to Thailand and China's Yunnan province. The international community responded with high concern and swift action, with China becoming one of the first international rescue teams to arrive in Myanmar. Chinese rescuers reached the disaster area within 18 hours of the earthquake and successfully rescued six survivors on March 31. China has also pledged $14 million in humanitarian aid and dispatched about 400 experts and medical personnel for rescue operations. The China Aerospace Science and Technology Corporation mobilized 14 satellites to observe the disaster area, using satellite imagery to precisely locate severely affected areas and help rescue survivors.

In contrast, the US response has been notably slow. The US Embassy in Myanmar announced on the 30th that it would provide $2 million in aid, a figure that appears insignificant compared to China's commitment.

The Washington Post reported on the 31st that three days after the earthquake, US rescue teams had still not arrived in Myanmar, reflecting how Trump has transformed America's traditional role in disaster relief. NBC reported on the 31st that it remained unclear when US rescue teams would arrive in Myanmar. By the afternoon of the 31st, the critical "golden 72 hours" for earthquake rescue had already passed.

Former officials and heads of international aid organizations have indicated that this delay is primarily due to the Trump administration's decisions to cut USAID's budget and personnel.

An official from the US Embassy in Myanmar told The Washington Post that a delegation of three USAID staff members planned to arrive in Myanmar in the coming days, but there were no plans to deploy a Disaster Assistance Response Team (DART).

The US aid policy has been exposed during this disaster. Trump has made it clear during his second term that he wants to shut down USAID and has already cut foreign aid funding. According to a USAID official, two years ago, after a 7.8-magnitude earthquake hit Turkey and Syria, the US dispatched a Disaster Assistance Response Team within a day and quickly deployed two urban rescue teams, but current policy changes have restricted this capability.

Due to USAID budget cuts and staff reductions, almost all US development projects in Myanmar have been cancelled. In February this year, the US cut 39 out of 40 development projects in Myanmar, many of which could have been used for post-earthquake rescue and recovery work. At the same time, 14 of the 15 officials from the USAID Myanmar mission were indefinitely suspended in February. After the earthquake, the US government has been busy recalling some of these officials.

Former USAID official Chris Milligan directly stated that the US was unable to respond promptly due to the closure of government emergency response departments, allowing other countries, such as China, to take the lead in such disasters and to some extent fill the gap left by the US in international relief efforts.

Myanmar's State Administration Council reported on April 1 that the earthquake had killed 2,056 people as of that day, with thousands in need of humanitarian assistance, making the international community's need for humanitarian aid more urgent than ever. With the reinforcement of Chinese rescue teams, rescue teams from India, Malaysia, Russia, and other countries have also arrived in Myanmar, forming a multinational rescue network.

Meanwhile, China urgently deployed 14 satellites to not only help Myanmar obtain effective post-disaster data but also more precisely identify collapsed buildings, damaged roads, and other disaster conditions, providing a crucial basis for rescue deployment. Most critically, the satellite data can also plan routes for transporting supplies and provide appropriate temporary settlement site selection.

However, foreign media have indicated that China's satellite deployment has drawn special attention from the US military, as the US "had no idea that China had already become this powerful in the satellite field," causing Pentagon unease.

China's ability to mobilize 14 satellites for emergency orbit adjustments and complete comprehensive scanning of the disaster area in a short time, immediately transmitting precise images, demonstrates China's satellite capabilities for flexible maneuverability and coordinated operations.

Myanmar, as a hub connecting the Indian Ocean and southwestern China, has irreplaceable strategic value. Some analysts point out that the US has long tried to incorporate Myanmar into its Indo-Pacific strategic system through so-called "democratic transformation" and military infiltration, forming an encirclement of China.

However, China's current satellite orbit adjustment technology can not only be used for disaster relief but also applied to military reconnaissance, capable of precisely capturing the dynamics of key facilities. What concerns the US is that if such technology were used in the military field, it would weaken its global monitoring advantage of "finding the enemy first, acting first," thereby affecting the deployment efficiency of carrier strike groups and strategic bombers. Any US movements in Myanmar would also be observed by China.

In simple terms, China's satellite orbit adjustment to aid Myanmar's earthquake relief is both a challenge to US space technology advantages and a demonstration of international responsibility. The US "petty actions" on the Myanmar issue are essentially a continuation of its geopolitical instrumentalization, but due to insufficient action capability and strategic shortsightedness, they appear disadvantageous when contrasted with China's efficiency and pragmatism.

Deep Throat

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Trump wasted not one second after US forces grabbed Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro. He made it clear that he was eyeing the country's oil riches. But here's the catch: America's biggest oil companies aren't biting. Industry analysts confirm what the companies won't say publicly—even if these firms wanted back in, Venezuela's crumbling infrastructure and chaos on the ground mean Trump's fantasy of quick oil profits is far from easy to come true.

Trump promises Big Oil will pour billions into Venezuela. The oil giants say they never got the memo. AP Photo

Minutes after the military operation wrapped, Trump stood at a press conference making promises. Major American oil companies would pour into Venezuela, he declared, investing billions to fix the country's shattered oil infrastructure "and start making money for the country". Meanwhile, he reiterated that the US embargo on all Venezuelan oil remains in full effect.

Those sanctions have crushed Venezuelan exports into paralysis. Documents from Venezuela's state oil company and sources close to the situation confirm storage tanks and floating facilities filled up fast over recent weeks. Multiple oil fields now face forced production cuts.

White House Courts Reluctant Executives

Reuters revealed the Trump administration plans meetings this week with executives from major US oil companies. The agenda: pushing these firms to restore and grow oil production in Venezuela following the military action. The White House sees this as a critical step toward getting American oil giants back into the country to tap the world's largest proven oil reserves.

But Trump's eagerness hasn't translated into corporate enthusiasm. Several major US oil companies are taking a wait-and-see approach, watching Venezuela closely. ExxonMobil, ConocoPhillips, and Chevron all denied any prior communication with the White House about Venezuela. This directly contradicts Trump's claim over the weekend that he had already met with "all" US oil firms both before and after Maduro's capture.

Venezuela sits on roughly 17% of the world's proven oil reserves—first place globally. Yet US sanctions and other pressures have gutted its production capacity. Current output runs around 1 million barrels daily, barely 0.8% of global crude production.

World's largest oil reserves, strangled by US sanctions. Trump's quick-profit scheme hits a hard reality. AP Photo

Only One Company Stays Put

Chevron remains the sole major US oil company still operating Venezuelan fields. The firm has worked in Venezuela for over a century, producing heavy crude that feeds refineries along the Gulf Coast and beyond. A company spokesperson said on the 3rd that the current priority centers on "ensuring employee safety, well-being, and asset integrity," adding they "will continue to operate in accordance with laws and regulations."

ExxonMobil and ConocoPhillips previously invested in Venezuela. In the 1970s, the Venezuelan government nationalized the oil industry, reopened to foreign investment by century's end, then demanded in 2007 that Western companies developing oil fields form joint ventures with Venezuelan firms under Venezuelan control. ExxonMobil and ConocoPhillips pulled out. Neither company has responded to Trump's latest remarks about US capital entering Venezuela.

One oil industry executive told Reuters that companies fear discussing potential Venezuelan business at White House-organized meetings due to antitrust concerns.

Benefits Flow to First Mover

Francisco Monaldi, director of the Latin America Energy Program at Rice University's Baker Institute for Public Policy, expects Chevron would likely benefit first if Venezuela opens oil projects to the US. Other oil companies, he notes, will watch Venezuela's political situation closely and observe the operating environment and contract compliance before making moves.

Mark Christian, business director at an Oklahoma energy consulting firm, lays out the baseline: US companies will only return to Venezuela if they're certain of investment returns and receive at least minimal security guarantees. Lifting sanctions on Venezuela stands as a prerequisite for US companies re-entering that market.

Reality Check on Oil Profits

Even with sanctions lifted, the Trump administration won't find making money from invasion-acquired oil that easy.

 Industry insiders admit large-scale restoration of Venezuelan oil production demands years of time and billions in investment, while confronting major obstacles: dilapidated infrastructure, uncertain political prospects, legal risks, and long-term US policy uncertainty.

Peter McNally, global head of industry analysis at Third Bridge, said, "There are still many questions that need to be answered about the state of the Venezuelan oil industry, but it is clear that it will take tens of billions of dollars to turn that industry around." He then added that it could take at least a decade of Western oil majors committing to the country.

Ed Hirs, an energy expert at the University of Houston, pointed to a pattern: US military invasions of other countries in recent years haven't delivered substantial returns to American companies. The history of Iraq and Libya may repeat itself in Venezuela.