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America's Real Problem Isn't China—It's Itself

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America's Real Problem Isn't China—It's Itself
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America's Real Problem Isn't China—It's Itself

2025-10-19 09:35 Last Updated At:09:35

America's anxiety is becoming impossible to hide.

For years now, Washington has swung its China policy from "engagement" to "containment," throwing everything at Beijing short of open conflict. But China hasn't been contained at all. Instead, it's racing ahead in renewable energy, manufacturing, and trade—often leaving the US trailing in its wake. This widening gap between American expectations and reality has plunged the country into something deeper than mere frustration: it's a crisis of confidence.

Feith's article—a mirror to America's anxieties

Feith's article—a mirror to America's anxieties

The Washington Post recently ran a piece by David Feith, a scholar at the Hudson Institute, titled "America Must Regain Confidence to Compete with China." What's revealing about this article isn't what it says about China—it's what it says about America. After years of beating the drum about the "China threat," it turns out the real problem troubling America might not be Beijing at all. It's Washington itself.

Feith doesn't mince words. He argues that decades of policy blunders have shattered public trust in government. The Iraq War debacle. The 2008 financial crisis. De-industrialization that gutted the heartland. A pandemic response that became a national embarrassment. These failures haven't just disappointed Americans—they've accumulated into institutional exhaustion. Today's America doubts both its own capabilities and its moral authority, with growing numbers of citizens actively opposing US power projection abroad.

When Doubt Becomes Policy

This atmosphere of "doubt and division," as Feith calls it, makes it nearly impossible for America to build consensus around shared objectives. It weakens the country's ability to craft long-term strategies or sustain the resource commitments needed to execute them. Put simply: America wants to compete with China, but it lacks the internal confidence and cohesion to do so effectively.

This diagnosis aligns perfectly with recent political reality. Both Trump and Biden have found common ground on taking a hard line toward China—perhaps the only issue the two parties agree on. Yet their domestic policy divisions have never been sharper. Public discontent gets channeled into external anxiety, making policy increasingly emotional, reactive, and short-sighted.

Feith identifies what he calls "directionless persistence" in America's recent China policy: Washington claims it wants to contain China, yet it can't break free from Chinese markets and supply chains. This fundamental contradiction has made US strategy increasingly reactive rather than proactive.

Take Trump's approach. After taking office, his administration slapped tough trade measures on China, trying to force supply chains back to American soil. The result? Soaring costs, worsening inflation, and cratering business confidence. Even after returning to the White House, Trump kept up the bombast, threatening 100% tariffs on Chinese goods and accusing Beijing of "not buying American soybeans." Then Treasury officials quietly walked it back: "The 100% tariff does not have to happen." This perfectly captures current US policy—lots of noise, little action, riddled with contradictions.

The Leverage That Wasn't There

Bloomberg's analysis cuts even deeper: Trump simply doesn't have the leverage to back up his threats. He overestimated America's trade influence while badly underestimating China's capacity to absorb pressure. Chinese companies have already pivoted their export destinations. Washington's "punishments" increasingly look toothless.

The root cause of this policy whiplash is simple: America views competition as a zero-sum game while ignoring that the global economy is deeply integrated. Sanctions and high tariffs might play well to domestic political audiences, but they do almost nothing to revitalize industry or enhance competitiveness.

Feith argues that if America truly wants to compete with China, it needs to start with internal reform. That means rebuilding industrial capacity, loosening regulations that stifle technological innovation, and encouraging a new generation of entrepreneurs to invest in renewable energy, manufacturing, and foundational technologies.

He points to patriotic entrepreneurs and investors now trying to rebuild domestic supply chains in defense, energy, and manufacturing—a commendable direction. But if the financial sector, media, and academia remain trapped in ideological warfare, the innovation ecosystem can't genuinely recover.

Strategy Versus Speculation

This call for reform reflects a harsh reality: America's real problem isn't a lack of competitors—it's a lack of long-term strategic thinking. China's development model emphasizes infrastructure and manufacturing capacity. America has leaned too heavily on capital and financial markets. When these two paths diverged, Washington suddenly realized that "market self-correction" isn't the universal solution it was promised to be.

The International Energy Agency's latest report shows that US investment in renewable energy still lags behind both China and the EU. Without policy coherence, America's industrial advantages will continue to erode.

Against this backdrop, Feith's call for America to "regain confidence" isn't about encouraging populist chest-thumping. It's about recovering rational self-affirmation: acknowledging mistakes, correcting course, and rebuilding capabilities.

  

  

That's the prerequisite for real competition. Because a nation without confidence will only be driven by anxiety. And policies driven by anxiety will only make the problems worse.




Deep Throat

** The blog article is the sole responsibility of the author and does not represent the position of our company. **

Time is short, and Trump is betting everything on one word: prices. With less than a year to the 2026 US midterms, he tells Politico the outcome will ride on “our country’s success,” and “the key is the issue of prices”—pinning today’s inflation pain on the Biden administration while promising he’s pushing costs down. But even with better-looking headline numbers, Americans still feel squeezed, and Republicans stare at weak polling and the real risk of losing Congress.

Even with better numbers, Americans still feel the squeeze—and that’s the real headline.

Even with better numbers, Americans still feel the squeeze—and that’s the real headline.

He sells the story like a man doing a victory lap. Trump repeatedly hypes his economic “report card,” zeroing in on energy: “Energy prices are down dramatically, gasoline prices are down dramatically… everything is down… down very beautifully.” He also waves around the 4.3% annualised GDP jump in the third quarter and cracks that “the Democrats are going to explode—their heads are about to blow off.”

Trump sells “energy is down” like a cure-all.

Trump sells “energy is down” like a cure-all.

And yes, the White House has numbers it can plaster on every podium. Commerce Department data shows third-quarter GDP growth is the fastest in two years; Labour Department CPI data shows November inflation cools to 2.7% year on year, the lowest since July. The administration is clearly trying to turn those figures into a simple message: Trump is fixing the cost-of-living crunch.

But here’s the catch: data can cool while wallets still burn. A Politico/Public First poll last month finds nearly half of respondents still struggle with basics—daily necessities, utilities, healthcare, housing and transport. A Christmas-season poll from centrist think tank Third Way looks even uglier: 60% say the economy is not growing, 66% think unemployment is rising, and on cost-of-living competence Democrats lead 42% to Republicans’ 31%.

The White House has stats to spin—but voters don’t live in spreadsheets.

The White House has stats to spin—but voters don’t live in spreadsheets.

The “rigid spending” trap
The real problem isn’t just inflation—it’s what Americans can’t stop paying for. A widely shared China–US cost-of-living comparison argues that many “must-pay” items in the US tower over China’s, leaving ordinary families with almost no wiggle room. It claims electricity costs are about 11 times higher in the US (roughly US$110 per person per month versus US$10 in China), with water bills also around 11 times; on housing, it points to property taxes where US$10,000 a year is described as common, plus homeowners’ association fees of about US$100 to US$300 a month—putting property-related costs at roughly five times.
 
Then comes the heavyweight punch: healthcare and insurance. The same analysis says US health insurance premiums average about US$550 a month—more than five times China’s per-capita level—and that’s before out-of-pocket bills that can climb fast. It also claims annual per-capita healthcare spending hits US$13,000, exceeding China’s per-capita GDP; and on car insurance it says Americans’ per-capita spend is 15 times China’s, with drivers facing a burden about three to four times heavier.

Yes, Americans make more on paper—but the bills eat that advantage alive. The analysis says nominal pre-tax US income is more than 10 times China’s, and after-tax take-home is about six to seven times, but services that cost 10 times more can erase that quickly. Because so many US costs are “rigid,” cutting them often means a serious lifestyle cliff—or worse, homelessness—while in China, people often have more discretionary spending they can pause when income drops, giving stronger shock resistance; the result is “edge” US middle-class families watching big money flow in and out with little left, and a job loss or surprise expense can trigger a fast social “downward fall.”

The viral China–US comparison hits a nerve: US “must-pay” bills leave families boxed in.

The viral China–US comparison hits a nerve: US “must-pay” bills leave families boxed in.

Politics feels the squeeze
That anxiety is already turning into votes—and it’s not great news for Republicans. Democrats have notched strong results in recent local elections, winning key posts like New York City mayor, New Jersey governor, and Virginia governor, boosting morale and injecting uncertainty into next year’s midterms. Trump seems to smell the smoke: he’s trying to reframe “affordability,” moving from calling it a Democratic “scam” to blaming Biden for price spikes and insisting he’s the one bringing them back down.
 
He’s also pushing for rule changes to bulldoze his agenda through. On the 27th, Trump again urges Senate Republicans to scrap the filibuster, calling it “an obstacle that holds back the American government,” and claims removal would stop shutdowns and enable “excellent healthcare.” But multiple Republicans—including Senate Majority Leader John Thune—push back, arguing the filibuster is a key institutional safeguard, and the government still faces another shutdown risk in January next year.

In the end, Trump’s toughest job isn’t citing statistics—it’s changing what people feel at the checkout line. Building a bridge between “official data” and live experience, and persuading voters that prices are truly under control, becomes the administration’s biggest midterm test. And it will help decide, directly, whether Republicans keep their grip on Congress.

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