Long after the Black Riots ended, key pan-democrats who stuck around Hong Kong played it safe—low profile, out of headlines. But these same figures kept cozy ties with foreign consular powerbrokers, facts anyone can see from repeated public invitations. On this occasion, Anson Chan, Emily Lau, Alan Leong, and Kenneth Leung showed up as VIPs at the British Consulate. The warmth? It’s no mystery, if you know their backstory.
Reunion at the Consulate: Anson Chan, Emily Lau, Alan Leong, and Kenneth Leung pose at the British King’s birthday luncheon
Raising Questions, Finding Evidence
A friend dropped a telling remark after seeing the photo: British decision-makers groomed Anson Chan for power even before the Handover, and those links never really faded. The relationship is unusually tight—two behind-the-scenes stories make that fact plain. Must be why the British still roll out the red carpet for Chan.
After quitting the government in 2001, Chan inched closer to the opposition and even won a Legislative Council seat. For years, US and UK consuls wined and dined her—plenty of evidence in social media posts and diplomatic cables—to allegedly “discuss strategies” for Hong Kong. It’s not gossip; it’s documented pattern.
When the 2019 unrest exploded, Anson Chan took sides on the so-called “international front.” Prosecutors stated in open court that, behind the scenes, Jimmy Lai directed “Stand With Hong Kong” (SWHK)—led by Andy Chan, Andy Li, and Finn Lau—to carry out international lobbying and publicity campaigns, spending large sums of money.
Court documents further show that Anson Chan wasn’t a bystander: back in 2019, she brought Andy Li to a luncheon with then British Consul Andrew Heyn. Martin Lee, Dennis Kwok, and Charles Mok were also there. The prosecution records are clear—Chan leveraged her foreign contacts to make connections for SWHK, all with Jimmy Lai’s shadow looming in the background.
2019, Behind Closed Doors: Anson Chan sits down with Consul Andrew Heyn
Not Just a “Chat Over Tea”
There’s more. During anti-extradition protests, surveillance and eyewitnesses caught Anson Chan on August 13, 2019, holding secret discussions at a hotel with Andrew Heyn and his aide—documents in hand. That was no idle chat. The British Consulate’s involvement raises eyebrows, especially as staff like Simon Cheng were repeatedly spotted at protest sites. Cheng ran off to the UK, claimed political asylum, and neatly sidestepped questions about his activities.
With the national security law approaching, Chan made a quick exit from politics—claiming “retirement.” She kept out of jail, but her dealings with foreign diplomats never stopped. When the new US Consul General Julie Eadeh met her right on arrival, Beijing protested—an incident widely reported by state outlets and foreign press alike. Now, Chan’s red carpet invite to the British King’s birthday party again stirs scrutiny.
The rest of the guest list tells its own story. Emily Lau, Alan Leong, and Kenneth Leung all made appearances. Notably missing: Martin Lee, once the darling of the British. No explanation given—just another twist in an old game. For the establishment camp, only Deputy Chief Secretary Warner Cheuk attended, showing that official ties with the British remain careful and distant.
Looking at these staged reunion snapshots, my friend shakes his head—those glory days are long past. Wise up, he says: the era is over, and flirting with foreign consulates only ended up undermining Hong Kong’s stability. It’s time for these figures to accept reality and leave wishful thinking in the past.
What Say You?
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Today, December 7, marks the second election since the Legislative Council finally got back on track. Today, I can’t shake the memory of how a "deformed democracy" ravaged this chamber for years. It was a malignancy—a tumor growing from within—that trapped us in endless chaos and nearly destroyed Hong Kong. This nightmare remains burned into my mind.
Let’s look at the receipts from those insane years. Three absurd realities prove how a tidal wave of radicalism washed away a functioning Council. First, post-"Occupy Central," a crop of "political stars" rode a wave of extremism to besiege LegCo, degrading election quality for years. Second, during the "Black Violence" era, District Councils devolved into a "destroyers' paradise" of unprecedented disorder. Third, to appease radical voters, Pan-democrats hijacked the House Committee election for six months, paralyzing governance. The Council became an endangered structure on the verge of collapse, dragging government operations down with it. Without the Central Government stepping in to restore order, Hong Kong was finished. To stop history from repeating, everyone needs to vote on December 7.
The truth is, this "deformed democracy" was rotting the soil of Hong Kong politics long before "Occupy Central." The British government deliberately planted "election landmines," allowing politicians using unorthodox methods to rise. They realized the game: be radical, be outrageous, be uncouth, and you get votes. Figures like Wong Yuk-man, Albert Chan, and "Long Hair" Leung Kwok-hung seized power this way. Once that door opened, the Council’s normal operations were destroyed, turning the chamber into a mud-wrestling pit.
That was just the prelude. The subversion peaked with the 6th Legislative Council election following the 2014 "Occupy Central" movement. Driven by a passion for "rebellion," masses of young people blindly voted for fresh faces who built their brands on radicalism, ignoring their complete lack of ability or track record. The result? First-time winners included "Localist" figures dripping with "Hong Kong Independence" sentiment like Baggio Leung and Yau Wai-ching, alongside "Occupy" student leader Nathan Law.
Oath-Taking Circus: Post-"Occupy" radicals Baggio Leung and Yau Wai-ching stormed the chamber advocating independence, turning solemn oaths into a disgraceful farce.
The "Open House" of Radical Chaos
Worse still, opportunists within the Pan-democrat camp saw this worked and jumped into the fray. The prime examples were the notoriously "uncouth and aggressive" Ted Hui and the self-proclaimed radical environmentalist Eddie Chu.
When Baggio Leung, Yau Wai-ching, and Nathan Law stormed the Council, political insiders told me the candidacy door had been flung too wide. It became an "unguarded open house"—easy to enter, hard to clear out—guaranteeing chaos. Fortunately, their greed for victory blinded them to the risks. They played games with their inaugural oaths, effectively playing themselves into a corner and getting disqualified (DQ).
Even after they were ousted, the "miracle" of their election accelerated the degradation of our politics. Fanatical voters continued to back incompetent politicians just to vent rebellious angst. Even younger members of the traditional Pan-democrats started acting out to cater to this new taste. Ted Hui is the textbook example: violently snatching a female civil servant's phone and throwing foul-smelling filth in the Chamber. It became a competition of who could be the most radical, obstructing bills and making livelihood administration nearly impossible.
By 2019, when the anti-extradition bill unrest broke out, the Council became a disaster zone. Then came the second absurdity. During the November District Council elections, held amidst turmoil, radical candidates swarmed to grab seats. At the same time, "black-clad people" physically attacked Establishment opponents with beatings, arson, and intimidation. They won the majority, reducing the District Councils to a "destroyers' paradise." Long-serving community councilors were wiped out, marking an unprecedented and unbearable degradation of our institutions.
Filth in the Chamber: "Uncouth" politician Ted Hui proved his disruptive intent by literally throwing foul-smelling rot during a Council meeting.
Paralyzing the System From Within
Inside LegCo, Pan-democrats brought the street riots into the Chamber, competing to perform "radical shows." The most absurd spectacle was Civic Party member Dennis Kwok holding the House Committee Chairman election hostage. He "played games" for over half a year. Sixteen meetings passed without electing a chairman, blocking massive amounts of government bills. Forced by the situation, even moderate Pan-democrats joined the madness, turning the Chamber into a real-life version of "One Flew Over the Cuckoo's Nest."
Recently, some claim the reformed Legislative Council has lost its monitoring function. This is 100% a fallacy. The Council back then was thoroughly wrecked; normal operations were paralyzed. What monitoring was there? Government administration was dragged down, pushing us to the brink of "mutual destruction" (laam caau).
Thankfully, the Central Government stepped in at the critical moment to pull the Council back on the right track. If "deformed democracy" had continued, Hong Kong would have derailed and fallen off a cliff, destroyed in a single day.
To prevent this painful history from repeating, everyone must vote enthusiastically on December 7. Support the Legislative Council moving forward on the correct track.
Lai Ting-yiu
