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Pig's Belly Flipped: UK Turns Hong Kong's 'Heroes' into Pariahs

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Pig's Belly Flipped: UK Turns Hong Kong's 'Heroes' into Pariahs
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Pig's Belly Flipped: UK Turns Hong Kong's 'Heroes' into Pariahs

2026-07-28 15:44 Last Updated At:15:44

Hong Kong's exiled 'resistance fighters' from 2019 still haven't come to terms with a bitter truth. The Western governments that once hailed them as "heroes" have largely "flipped the pig's belly", now treating them as harbingers of plague.

Former Democratic Party chairman Wu Chi-wai traveled to the UK on his BNO passport last week to visit his wife and children, shortly after his release from prison. On arrival, border officers detained him for questioning. He was eventually let through, but authorities granted him only a 7-day temporary immigration bail, after which he may be deported back to Hong Kong.

Exactly what is going on inside the Home Office is anyone's guess. What is plain to see is the pig's belly flipped inside out, exposing its true intent to keep him out.

This is not the first such case, either. When fugitive Chloe Cheung applied for permanent residency in the UK, authorities threw up considerable obstacles and nearly rejected her outright. Only after "hawkish" politicians intervened was her application grudgingly approved, but not before the government's contempt was laid bare.

The circumstances of Wu Chi-wai's detention are decidedly strange. Before setting off, he had already met with officials at the British Consulate-General in Hong Kong and was told he could enter on his BNO passport, then apply for temporary leave to remain once inside the country.

Wu Chi-wai's detention looks less like a border officer's error, more like a Home Office decision.

Wu Chi-wai's detention looks less like a border officer's error, more like a Home Office decision.

Many Hong Kong BNO holders have entered the UK this way before without incident. Yet Wu was held by border officers for several hours, facing possible immediate deportation. He was finally granted "bail" to stay for seven days, and what happens after that remains unknown.

Hong Kong diaspora groups and so-called "human rights organizations" in the UK sensed a shared fate. Naturally they were "deeply concerned," demanding the Home Office explain this "administrative error." The response was thoroughly bureaucratic: a standard line about not commenting on individual cases. It answered nothing and only deepened the mystery.

These groups still insist it was merely a border officer's mistake, not government policy. Simon Cheng, the "fugitive" who founded Hongkongers in Britain, suggested Wu's detention might stem from frontline staff misjudging the situation. Alternatively, he pointed to an erroneous alert triggered by the immigration system.

Whether that is really the case is doubtful, for two reasons.

First, Wu Chi-wai is a well-known figure in Hong Kong political circles, and his recent release from prison made headlines. Even if frontline border staff did not recognize him, they would surely have reported up the chain for instructions, suggesting the decision to deny him entry came from higher up in the Home Office.

Second, the British Consulate-General in Hong Kong must have been in contact with the Home Office beforehand. The Home Office would have had some understanding of who Wu is, and would not simply have treated him as an ordinary entrant with a criminal record, oblivious to the political considerations at play.

How the UK government treats these "troublemakers" can be glimpsed in its handling of fugitive Chloe Cheung's permanent residency application.

Cheung and her family submitted applications together this past May. Her family members were all approved, but the Home Office demanded she provide additional information about her "offence" in Hong Kong, including court documents related to her case, for a "full assessment."

Chloe Cheung's stalled residency bid shows the UK "flipping the pig's belly" on Hong Kong rioters.

Chloe Cheung's stalled residency bid shows the UK "flipping the pig's belly" on Hong Kong rioters.

This is a rather odd approach. Cheung is a wanted "national security fugitive" from Hong Kong, and the nature of her alleged offence is already crystal clear, so there should be no need for "additional information." She has, moreover, kept a fairly high profile in the UK, so security services would certainly know which side she is on.

She also works for the US-based political organization Committee for Freedom in Hong Kong Foundation, whose chairman is James B. Cunningham, former US Consul-General to Hong Kong. That is hardly an innocuous background, and one British security services would likely have already flagged.

The reasonable explanation for the Home Office's obstruction is that the UK government does not want to grant permanent residency to politically complicated "anti-China, destabilize-Hong-Kong" figures, for fear of the trouble it might invite.

The political strategists behind Cheung, however, advised her to leak the story to British media first. Put the case in the public eye, so "hawkish" politicians could then pile pressure on the government.

The first to charge out this time was Lord Alton, a member of the Inter-Parliamentary Alliance on China (IPAC), notorious for its role in the Jimmy Lai case. Lord Alton wrote to the Home Office in his capacity as a member of the House of Lords, sharply criticizing the department for treating "speaking up for democracy" as a "crime."

The tactic worked: shortly afterward, the Home Office granted Cheung permanent residency.

With political backers to lean on, Cheung had succeeded in forcing the UK government's hand. But many nameless rioters seeking political asylum, without such connections, have waited years without approval. They remain stuck in grim asylum accommodation, scraping by on paltry allowances. Unable to work or study, many suffer from depression, their situation nothing short of miserable.

The UK government's policy is plain: refuse to let these troublemakers integrate into British society, leave them to fend for themselves, and hope they give up and go away. In recent years, as the Labour government competes with the anti-immigration Reform Party, its stance toward Hong Kong asylum seekers has only hardened. The chances of approval are growing slimmer by the day.

The pattern is unmistakable: Wu Chi-wai's recent moves to leak information to foreign media follow Chloe Cheung's playbook. An attempt to pressure the Home Office into letting him stay. But whatever the outcome in his case, the UK government's flipped attitude toward "resistance fighters," now treating them as a plague to be avoided, is not going to change.

Lai Ting-yiu




What Say You?

** 博客文章文責自負,不代表本公司立場 **

A New York Times writer asked a good question yesterday: "Why the United States Can’t Quit Its Wars?" Quite rightly so. From Iraq and Afghanistan to Iran, the United States can never escape the fate of "easy to start a war, hard to pull the troops out."

The harder it strikes, the stronger its enemies grow. The more allies those enemies attract, the deeper Washington sinks. It has no choice but to keep raising the stakes. The Iran war is now trapped in exactly this vicious cycle.

The Wall Street Journal reports today that Iran's "Axis of Resistance" has expanded further of late. The al-Qaeda branch entrenched in Somalia, Africa, has stepped up its alliance with the Houthis, Iran's "sworn brothers." The pair could choke off the Red Sea exit at any moment. That would sever the other oil shipping lane beyond the Strait of Hormuz. Should that happen, America's troubles will multiply, and pulling out will become harder still.

Al-Qaeda's Somali branch joins the Houthis. Washington's headache grows.

Al-Qaeda's Somali branch joins the Houthis. Washington's headache grows.

According to the report, al-Shabaab, al-Qaeda's branch in Somalia, is the wealthiest of them all. It controls local ports, roads and gold mines, and it is raking in money hand over fist. Annual revenue exceeds US$100 million.

Yet bulging coffers are not enough. The group lacks advanced weapons, and its fighters need proper military training. Which is why it has cut frequent "deals" in recent years with the Houthis in Yemen, Iran's "sworn brother." Since the US attacked Iran, the two have grown closer still, united by common enemies in America and Israel.

Al-Qaeda was founded by bin Laden in 1988. It began as a "jihadist organization" resisting the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, covertly funded, no less, by the CIA. When the Soviets went down in defeat, the United States took over the role of "invader." Al-Qaeda promptly turned its guns on America.

In 2001 Al-Qaeda orchestrated 9/11, the terrorist attack of the century. Washington has regarded it as the greatest threat ever since.

In recent years, its leaders have been killed by the US one after another. Rival "jihadist groups" keep grabbing its turf, leaving it in steady decline. Yet al-Qaeda remains powerful in parts of the Middle East and Africa. The Somali branch is a case in point. The US has long seen it as a mortal danger, and the American military has struck it as many as 40 times.

The "Perfect Partners"

To build up its military muscle, the group has in recent years bought large batches of advanced weapons from the Houthis through intermediary arms dealers. It has also sent fighters to Yemen for military training, learning, among other things, how to operate attack drones. The Houthis, for their part, have dispatched instructors to Somalia to pass on combat skills.

The US went to war against Iran in late February this year. That pushed the "deadly duo" into even closer contact. Al-Qaeda belongs to Islam's Sunni branch, while the Houthis are Shia. The two are age-old foes. But faced with the common enemies of America and Israel, both are willing to set aside their feud and point their guns outward in unison.

What is more, each side of the "deadly duo" has something the other craves. The Houthis need hard cash to fund their war effort. Al-Qaeda, keen to sharpen its fighting power to consolidate its grip, must acquire advanced weapons and military technology. This mutually beneficial relationship has turned the two into "perfect partners."

To Washington, two "terrorist organizations" banding together is a real nightmare. It is enough to rob it of sleep and appetite. The Houthis are entrenched in Yemen, facing Somalia, home of the al-Qaeda branch, across the Gulf of Aden. That is the gateway through which oil is shipped via the Red Sea. If the pair join forces, they could lock down this shipping lane for good.

The Choke Point

The Strait of Hormuz is already firmly in Iran's grip. If this other lane is cut as well, Saudi Arabia and the rest will lose their alternative route for shipping oil. Global energy supplies will go from bad to worse. Remember: 12 percent of the Middle East's oil is transported through this passage. The impact must not be underestimated.

The "deadly duo" could shut Saudi Arabia's backup oil route.

The "deadly duo" could shut Saudi Arabia's backup oil route.

Worryingly, the "deadly duo" genuinely possesses the capability to seal the strait. The Houthis have precision missiles and large fleets of attack drones. They are now helping al-Qaeda install radar in Somalia and supplying it with attack drones and more. The two could coordinate operations down the road, striking merchant vessels and US warships that try to force their way through.

Whether the American military could juggle that many fronts at once would then be a big question mark.

America's current predicament recalls 2010. President Obama decided then to send 30,000 more troops to Afghanistan to fight the Taliban. The deputy assistant secretary of defense at the time, Lavoy, raised doubts. "Afghanistan has countless tribes, and every one of them harbors resentment towards America," he said. "Even if the Taliban did not exist, there would still be an insurgency in Afghanistan."

No matter how many troops were poured in, the war could not be won. Better to simply withdraw.

Those words describe the Iran war today just as aptly. By attacking Iran, America has opened a "Pandora's box," and "demons" like al-Qaeda have come pouring out. How many of them, one has to ask, can America possibly fight at once?

Lai Ting-yiu

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