The Spectacular Implosion: Why the League of Social Democrats Turned Into Their Own Worst Enemy

The League of Social Democrats (LSD) went out with a bang recently, shouting "Rather be ashes than dust” " as they dissolved – a rather theatrical exit that reminded me of the fictional character Ah Q and his delusional heroics. Political insiders I know just sneered at this performance, saying bluntly: "They've been causing chaos for years, damaging rather than helping Hong Kong's democratic development. Now that it's all over, they should be remembered as 'democracy sinners.'" I couldn't agree more.

Recently, Civic Party founding member Ronny Tong posted on Facebook about the LSD's demise, echoing similar sentiments. He pointed out how “Long Hair” Leung Kwok-hung and "Mad Dog" Wong Yuk-man brought their "struggle culture" into the legislature, corroding the political ideals of the democratic camp and ultimately causing the complete failure of the pan-democrats. He also admitted quite candidly that the "blue blood" Civic Party got sucked into this dark vortex, and his inability to save it led to his disheartened departure from the party. Having dug into some insider information from that period, I find myself deeply sympathizing with his words.

Ronny Tong delivered his Facebook verdict on the LSD's dissolution, pointing out how leaders Wong Yuk-man and Long Hair's radical culture "eroded" traditional pan-democrats, leading to their ultimate complete failure – even dragging the "blue blood" Civic Party into the dark vortex.

From Gentle Protests to Legislative Mayhem

Tong wasn't surprised to see the LSD dissolve after the Civic Party and Democratic Party had already folded, but it brought back memories of the old days. He recalled how back in 2004, when he and Long Hair were both elected as New Territories East Legislative Council members, the most intense behavior of Long Hair in the legislative Council was standing up to shout his protests. Council President Mrs. Fan would respond like a patient parent teaching her child: "Long Hair, please sit down," and Long Hair would obediently comply, never actually disrupting the meeting order.

But things changed dramatically after Wong Yuk-man (the LSD chairman) entered the Legislative Council in 2008. He brought what you might call a "new culture" of foul language, verbal abuse, and physical confrontation into the chamber. It was quite the transformation.

The Civic Party's Descent Into Chaos

Tong noted that while it was understandable for the LSD to establish a distinctive image, he never expected the "blue blood" Civic Party to be gradually sucked into this dark, bottomless vortex of struggle politics. Later, they even became a main force behind the "Five Constituencies Referendum." The traditional democratic camp's inability to stick to their own governing philosophy was the primary cause of their ultimate complete failure.

Looking back at insider information from that time, the Civic Party being dragged into Wong Yuk-man's "Five Constituencies Referendum" was indeed the beginning of their radical turn. The LSD already harbored ambitions to seize leadership of the democratic camp at that point. Mad Dog vigorously pushed for five district legislators to resign, followed by by-elections, using this as a "de facto referendum" on political reform. The Civic Party was dragged along as if blind-folded, while Democratic Party heavyweight Szeto Wah (Uncle Wah) strongly opposed it, firmly resisting the LSD's "invasion" and blocking Jimmy Lai's behind-the-scenes manipulation.

Internal Warfare and Prophecies of Doom

Within the Civic Party, core member Ronny Tong consistently opposed the "Five Constituencies Referendum" and even organized a party member forum, inviting Uncle Wah to attend and analyze the harm this action would cause. But his honest advice fell on deaf ears, and he became a minority voice within the party, suffering severe ostracism. During one internal discussion, after he voiced his opposition, a scholar colleague tried to speak in support, only to be pointed at and verbally abused by other party members present, while the chairman failed to intervene. At that moment, he first sensed that the Civic Party would eventually perish. Subsequent developments proved his prediction completely correct.

In his Facebook post, Tong mentioned that by 2016, the universal suffrage proposal was rejected due to unanimous opposition from pan-democratic legislators, because they insisted that universal suffrage must include "civic nomination," which contradicted Article 45 of the Basic Law. He remembered that when Long Hair first proposed "civic nomination," all traditional pan-democrats opposed it, but as "struggle culture" gradually eroded democratic ideals, they eventually became the main force opposing the universal suffrage proposal.

The proposal failed and died in the womb, universal suffrage progress stagnated, and a golden opportunity for democratic reform vanished into thin air. Tong lamented that every pan-democratic figure bore responsibility for the failure of universal suffrage. He himself, having failed to persuade the Civic Party, ultimately resigned from the party and his position in accountability.

When Mad Dog and Long Hair pushed the "Five Constituencies Referendum," Tong fought hard against it within the Civic Party, resulting in his ostracism and eventual angry departure from the party.

The Real Reason Behind the Pan-Democratic Collapse

As someone who lived through it all, Tong hit the nail on the head about why pan-democratic parties fell one by one: they were continuously "eroded" by the "radical struggle culture" of groups like the LSD, causing their original political ideals to crumble. As a result, they were led by the nose and ultimately walked down a dead-end path.

Before its "death," the LSD shouted "Better be ashes than dust," appearing heroic but actually embodying a "mutual destruction" mentality. They didn't just self-destruct – they dragged other traditional pan-democratic parties off the cliff with them, taking the universal suffrage proposal to the grave as well.

When we're recording historical merits and faults, radical organizations like the LSD, including leaders such as Mad Dog and Long Hair, are all sinners who destroyed Hong Kong's democracy. That's the harsh truth of it.

Lai Ting-yiu

2026 marks a turning point. As Churchill famously declared during World War II's closing stages, we're witnessing "the beginning of the end." That great catastrophe moved toward its conclusion—and so too is Hong Kong's period of turbulence.

The evidence speaks for itself: Jimmy Lai, already convicted, faces sentencing next year (2026). The "35+ subversion case" will see several major pan-democratic figures released by mid-year, likely retreating from public life for good. And Joshua Wong's trial looms on the horizon, expected around mid-year, bringing another chapter to a close.

Lai's guilty verdict is in. Sentencing starts January 12. Everyone awaits the verdict.

The era these figures represented is ending—and that's precisely when Hong Kong's steady progress in stability truly begins.

Lai's Sentence: The Clock Is Ticking

The court has already found Jimmy Lai guilty of "colluding with foreign forces." Mitigation begins January 12, with sentencing to follow. The Hong Kong National Security Law leaves no room for ambiguity: serious offenses carry a minimum 10-year term, with life imprisonment as the ceiling. The weight of his punishment will become clear when the judge delivers the verdict.

Consider the precedent: Benny Tai Yiu-ting, the "35+ subversion case" ringleader, faced a 15-year sentencing starting point under the same National Security Law. His guilty plea from the outset reduced his term to 10 years. Lai differs in one crucial respect—he never pleaded guilty. The math isn't complicated.

Public attention now shifts to the eight defendants who pleaded guilty in Lai's case. This group includes former Apple Daily senior executives Cheung Kim-hung, Chan Pui-man, Lo Wai-kwong, Fung Wai-kong, Lam Man-chung, and Yeung Ching-kei, along with "Stand With Hong Kong" members Andy Chan Tsz-wah and Li Yu-hin. A guilty plea typically brings reduced sentences. But five of them—Cheung, Chan Pui-man, Yeung, Andy Chan, and Li—went further, serving as accomplice witnesses whose testimony helped secure Lai's conviction. Their cooperation means significantly lighter sentences and much shorter time behind bars.

Exits and Early Releases

The "35+ subversion case" offers instructive parallels. Au Nok-hin, a key primary election coordinator, initially faced at least 12 years. His guilty plea, demonstrated remorse, and agreement to testify for the prosecution cut his sentence to 6 years and 9 months. Counting from his arrest and remand, he's already served 5 years—release isn't far off.

Another defendant, Andrew Chiu Ka-yin, originally received 7 years. Good prison conduct and genuine remorse earned him leniency—he walked free two months ago.

These two cases set the pattern. If Cheung Kim-hung and the other accomplice witnesses receive substantial reductions, their release may be imminent. All have reportedly calmed down and focused on self-discipline during custody. Once free, they're expected to return to normal lives, avoiding any entanglement with political controversies.

Returning to the "35+ subversion case": eight convicted defendants currently serving sentences will be eligible for release next year. The list includes two major Democratic Party figures—Wu Chi-wai and Andrew Wan Siu-kin—plus former Civic Party leader Alvin Yeung Ngok-kiu. Wu and Wan are due for release in June and July respectively. Friends who've visited them report both are in good health and spirits. Their plans? Emigrate with their families, withdraw from public life, and sever all ties with politics.

As for Alvin Yeung, he pleaded guilty at the first opportunity after arrest and even volunteered to become an accomplice witness—though that offer wasn't accepted. This demonstrates clear regret for his actions. After release, he's expected to return to a proper life path, bidding farewell to his radical years.

Joshua Wong's turn. Collusion charges plus money laundering—another national security spectacle begins.

Wong's Turn in the Spotlight

As one chapter closes, another major national security case is about to open. Joshua Wong faces charges of "colluding with foreign forces." His case will be mentioned in court again next year before being committed to the High Court for trial. Wong was already serving a sentence for other offenses when, on June 6 this year, he was arrested in prison and charged with "colluding with foreign forces"—along with a separate count of "money laundering." Like Lai's case, this one involves extensive evidence of intricate connections with foreign governments and politicians, including both public materials and confidential documents. It will draw major attention.

In the past, Wong was lauded by prominent US political figures like Democratic Party leader Nancy Pelosi and became a "darling" of Western media—even appearing on Time magazine's cover. Once trial begins, he'll likely become, like Jimmy Lai, a focal point of attention for Western countries. No doubt another round of commotion will follow.

That said, whatever foreign countries may do, Joshua Wong's case outcome can only be decided by Hong Kong's courts. What final fate awaits this figure? Everyone can grab their popcorn and watch.

Lai Ting-yiu