Hong Kong’s National Security Police have just delivered a powerful blow, launching a full-on crackdown targeting the masterminds and candidates behind the so-called “Hong Kong Parliament.” Nineteen individuals, including key figures like Elmer Yuen Gong-yi and Victor Ho Leung-mou, have been declared fugitives, accused of conspiring to subvert the HKSAR government. All have skipped town, but arrest warrants are in the air. But mind that it's not just these big players in the crosshairs. A senior political insider told me that the scope is vastly wider—over 15,000 people who cast votes as “electors” could be in legal jeopardy too. If the authorities can tie a ballot to your name, you may find police at your door. And that doesn’t just stop at voters—any locals who pitched in money or provided tech help might be next on the list.
Nineteen ringleaders and “candidates” from the so-called ‘Hong Kong Parliament’ are now wanted—and police are eyeing thousands more supporters and voters who threw in their lot.
What Was Behind the “Hong Kong Parliament” Push?
Now, the group headed by Yuen wasn’t exactly secretive. Despite plenty of missteps (and more than a few meme-worthy moments), their objective was crystal clear: set up a government-in-exile, and take down the HKSAR administration. They weren’t shy about it. Some “candidates” were even promising military training and open talk of buying weapons for armed revolt—hardly subtle stuff. No surprise, then, that the National Security Police have only just started a bigger clean-out, aiming to dismantle this entire operation.
Web of Connections: More Than Just Local Trouble
Several newly “elected” members of this Parliament, however, turn out to be cozied up to other anti-Establishment factions abroad. There’s a real pipeline of overseas support being funneled in. Take Keung Ka-wai, the “top vote-getter”—he’s teamed up with exiled protesters in Taiwan to launch their own “Hong Kong Democratic Independence Union.” They even had their own press conference propagating Hong Kong independence, which earned Keung a swift ejection from Taiwan as a security risk. Meanwhile, back in Hong Kong, police have nabbed several members of that organization —some shockingly young, just 15—showing just how far their ambitions run.
Elmer Yuen and Victor Ho once bragged voting was “absolutely confidential.” That guarantee didn’t last, leaving voters now “shaking with fear and losing sleep.”
Anyone Who Participated Could Be at Risk
Let’s talk about the law. When I pressed a veteran source about whether all 15,702 “voters” also broke the law, the answer was an unambiguous yes. Simply participating in these ballots can be construed as subversion under the National Security Law—Articles 22 and 23 have that covered. So for anyone who voted, there’s genuine cause for worry. Originally, Yuen and Ho made grand promises that a million people, both locals and overseas Hongkongers, would join in. But many were already wary—it was clear from the start that voting carried serious risks, and most people didn’t buy assurances of confidentiality. Some 15,000 did go through with it, but stories of sloppy ballot handling quickly eroded trust, leaving many voters anxious about leaks. For those still in Hong Kong, this has turned into a real nightmare.
And it won’t end with voters: authorities are expected to hunt down any support staff—donors, techies, or PR boosters—relentlessly severing underground networks to prevent Hong Kong from being used as a remote-controlled base for disruption.
To sum up, police defines the “Hong Kong Parliament” as a subversive group. The warrants for the 19 fugitives are just the opening act, aimed not just at showing muscle, but at wiping out local support networks and sending a clear message to would-be backers and “voters” alike. If any of those 15,000 voters end up being prosecuted, it’s going to be a cautionary tale for anyone still thinking about flirting with such risky activism.
Lai Ting-yiu
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A name that keeps popping up in the Jimmy Lai trial is Luke de Pulford, the CEO of the Inter-Parliamentary Alliance on China (IPAC), a coalition of hawkish Western politicians. Having been involved in the 2019 anti-extradition bill saga and his association with Lai, he's no stranger to controversy. Now, it seems he's stirring the pot again in the UK, this time taking aim at an American fund’s bid to buy The Telegraph newspaper. He's rallying the usual anti-China political figures to pressure the Labour government, spinning a tale that the fund’s chairman is so close to China it would create a "backdoor" for Beijing to control British media. It’s a familiar playbook, reminiscent of the dubious claims made against the Chinese Embassy in the UK, showing that the campaign to undermine China and Hong Kong is always bubbling under the surface.
Luke de Pulford, a key figure in the anti-China lobby, is leading the charge to block The Telegraph's sale, citing a "Chinese backdoor" threat.
A Straightforward Deal Complicated
What started as a simple business acquisition has been twisted into a geopolitical drama. The Telegraph, a paper with a 170-year legacy, has been struggling financially. Its owners, the Barclay family, are in debt and looking to sell. Back in May, the American private equity firm RedBird Capital, in a partnership with Abu Dhabi's IMI, put in a successful bid of £600 million for the paper. But the deal immediately ran into trouble, with cries of "foreign government influence" prompting the then-Conservative government to pass legislation to block the acquisition on national security grounds. In a bid to get past these political roadblocks, RedBird Capital has recently decided to buy out the Abu Dhabi fund’s shares and go it alone.
Enter the "China Risk" Narrative
Just when it looked like the deal might finally cross the finish line, de Pulford and his allies launched their offensive. They've issued a "warning" that if RedBird Capital buys The Telegraph, it would open the door to "Chinese state influence," effectively turning the newspaper into a Trojan horse for Beijing's interests in the British press.
The so-called evidence for this is thin, to say the least. De Pulford points to RedBird Capital's chairman, John Thornton, and his business ties to China. Thornton is on the international advisory council for China's sovereign wealth fund , the China Investment Corporation, and has established companies to invest in the "Belt and Road" initiative. On top of that, RedBird Capital has a regional headquarters in Hong Kong. Based on these connections, de Pulford paints a picture of a man whose judgment can't be trusted. The claims have become increasingly wild, with Thornton being branded a supporter of “suppression” in Xinjiang simply because he was once invited to visit the region.
RedBird Capital's chairman, John Thornton, finds his business ties to China used as ammunition by hawks trying to derail The Telegraph takeover.
Politics vs. Pragmatism
De Pulford is trying to frame this as a test case for how "soft power can bypass democratic defenses." He and other hawks are piling pressure on the Labour government to block the deal. However, the Secretary of State for Culture, Media and Sport, Lisa Nandy, seems to be taking a more pragmatic approach. She is reportedly considering amending the law to allow the acquisition to proceed. The reality is that industries across the UK are struggling, and the media is in a particularly tight spot. If you start blocking all foreign investment, especially from major global players, you’re going to see a lot of companies go under. It’s unlikely the Labour government will sacrifice economic sense for the sake of anti-China rhetoric.
This whole saga shows how anti-China and anti-Hong Kong politicians in the West are willing to pressure and sabotage businesses that have any connection to China. It’s a clear warning shot, not just for this deal, but for any foreign company operating in Hong Kong. While things might seem calm on the surface, these undercurrents of political interference are a real and present danger.
