Four years into London’s Welcome-HongKong-Exiles Scheme—once bankrolling diaspora groups at £2.6 million a year but now trimmed to just £1 million—campus-small community outfits sprouted across Britain to help newcomers integrate. With government cash dwindling, these once-friendly societies have turned on one another in a ruthless fight for the smaller pie.
Recently, an article in the "Global Weekly" circulated in the Hong Kong people's circle, exposing inside stories of Simon Cheng Man-kit of the "Hongkongers in Britain”, saying that in order to seize resources, he stepped on other "brothers and sisters", and as a result, everyone hates him.
After UK funding cuts, fugitive Simon Cheng Man-kit of Hongkongers in Britain sparked infighting by sidelining rival groups.
Early movers like the “Hongkongers in Britain”, “HongKongers in Leeds” and “Scottish HongKongers” leveraged their higher profile to secure sizeable grants, only to deliver little beyond English classes and counselling—sparking insider grumbles that they “talk more than act.” As Whitehall wallets tighten, these bodies have pivoted to private fundraising, straining already thin diasporan pockets.
Cheng’s Smear Campaign: Allies Turn Foes
The Global Weekly article says that Cheng of “Hongkongers in Britain”, intead of shoring up services, has spent recent months publicly denigrating fellow organisers to corner donor support. He’s accused Hong Kong Freedom Commission Foundation head Chloe Cheung Hei-ching of opportunism, labelled “Scottish HongKongers” Daniel Kwok Tsz-kin suspiciously motivated, and dismissed Nathan Law’s activism as a personal publicity stunt. Even hawkish MP Luke Rogers’s “Hong Kong Watch” didn’t escape his barbs—all part of Cheng’s bid to monopolise shrinking resources.
Insiders warn of threats to ostracise Cheng’s outfit and spill its “unsavoury secrets.” Meanwhile, fresh groups in Manchester, Birmingham and beyond only deepen competition and internal fractures. The result isn’t stronger community support but a dog-eat-dog scramble that risks sidelining the very people it claims to serve.
Cheng’s Checkered Past
Cheng’s aggressive tactics may stem from a lifetime of high-stakes gambits. Once a trade officer at the British Consulate in Hong Kong, he gathered protest intel in 2019 before a controversial detention in a mainland brothel led to a coerced confession video. After fleeing to the UK and securing political asylum, he was wanted under Hong Kong’s National Security Law by July 2020. His rapid ascent—from co-founding the so-called “Hong Kong Parliament“ with Elmer Yuen Gog-yi （but some say that the two are not seeing eye-to-eye now）to this current internecine warfare—reveals an ambition that some worry would hurt more than help those in need of support.
UK exile groups bloomed on government cash but now live off donations after government funding cuts—and their “talk over action” reputation is costing support.
Six months since the funding squeeze, the diaspora’s internecine feud shows no signs of abating. With every public insult and fundraising plea, the real losers remain the new arrivals whose welfare these groups were meant to champion.
Lai Ting-yiu
What Say You?
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As the Year of the Horse approaching, Hong Kong BNO holders in the UK are bracing for a gut punch. The festive season brings no joy—only anxiety. Mid-February marks the deadline for the UK government's consultation on raising permanent residency thresholds, and the verdict on whether BNO holders get a pass is about to drop.
The Home Office floated immigration reforms that would keep the "5+1" rule intact—five years of residence before you can apply—but the bar just shot up, with higher English proficiency requirements and stable income. For many, these hurdles are insurmountable.
Mahmood's stonewalling to BNO holders' demands signals bad news. The February verdict looms.
Hong Kong BNO holders fired off "five demands" to the authorities, pleading for relief. Home Secretary Shabana Mahmood's response was ice cold. Zero acknowledgment of their demands. Her dismissive tone signals one thing: exemptions for BNO holders look dead in the water.
If the final call goes all the way, thousands who waited five years will crash at the finish line. A return wave to Hong Kong is inevitable. The Hong Kong government needs to get ready.
The Dual Knockout Blow
The UK government didn't just raise the bar—it installed a double gate that slams shut on 60,000 people. First gate: English proficiency must hit B2 level, equivalent to A-Level, practically university standard. Second gate: annual income over the past three to five years must reach at least £12,570, with tax records to prove it.
Surveys by Hong Kong migrant organizations paint a grim picture: if these "dual requirements" become reality, 30% of BNO holders—roughly 60,000 people—will fail to qualify and get filtered out. No wonder panic is spreading.
While anxiety mounts, the UK government plays coy. Ambiguous statements. Equivocal attitudes. Nobody can read their hand. Now, with just one month until the announcement, BNO holders are reaching peak agitation. A group of Hong Kong voters in Mahmood's constituency drafted a joint letter, restating the "five demands" and requesting a face-to-face meeting to apply pressure.
Mahmood responded quickly—but only to say Hong Kong BNO holders could apply for permanent residency after five years. As for the "five demands"? Crickets. Instead, she reiterated that those granted permanent residency must meet three criteria: being "well-integrated," "economically self-sufficient," and "committed” to the communities they join.
Mahmood Goes Silent
One Hong Kong BNO holder who signed the petition decoded those three phrases: "integration" and "commitment" are code words for English proficiency and income levels. Translation: BNO holders applying for permanent residency must also clear these two hurdles.
These Hong Kong residents sent a follow-up letter to Mahmood, requesting a meeting to present their case in person. Her response? Radio silence. Phone calls to her constituency office go unanswered. She's clearly ducking any face-to-face encounter.
Mahmood is stonewalling, and nobody can do a thing about it. Frustrated BNO holders vent to yellow media outlets, angrily branding her "heartless." But here's the reality check: the Labour government's approval ratings are tanking. Reform UK is breathing down their necks on immigration. Immigration policy will err on the side of restriction, not relaxation. Naturally, they're inclined to treat BNO holders the same as everyone else. No special treatment. No "sentiment." The "five demands" might as well be whispers in the wind.
Two Paths Forward
Friends living in the UK lay out the scenario: if the UK government announces "no relaxation" next month, BNO holders who can't meet the requirements face two choices.
First option: return to Hong Kong and start over. After all, life in the UK hasn't been entirely rosy—living day after day in anxiety. "Returning home" might actually be a relief.
Second option: continue to "temporarily reside" in the UK on a BNO visa, becoming long-term temporary residents. But they'll remain in an unstable state, which won't be comfortable.
There's also a thornier complication: some BNO families migrated to the UK with their parents, and one spouse hasn't worked or earned any income for several years. If these family members don't meet the criteria for applying for permanent residency, it could trigger family separation or force the entire family to return to Hong Kong. They'll face an agonizing decision. Quite a mess.
No exemptions? Brace for the return wave.
My friend predicts that if the worst-case scenario materializes, a return wave is sure to come. For Hong Kong, there will be upsides and downsides. Either way, the government needs to get ready and figure out how to handle it.
