The newly minted US Consul General to Hong Kong, Julie Eadeh, stirred up a political hornet’s nest when she met with political adversary figure Anson Chan right after taking office. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ Hong Kong Commissioner Cui Jianchun quickly summoned Eadeh for a strict representation, laying down "four don’ts," one of which was “don’t meet people you shouldn’t meet.”
Private files show US consuls in Hong Kong repeatedly made efforts to recruit Anson Chan as a political pawn to boost pro-American influence.
Political insiders say this was a warning shot. Historically, US consuls openly courted anti-government activists like Chan, trying to recruit them as political pawns. Chan wasn’t just anyone—former US Consuls General Gregory May and Stephen Young both had close ties with her. One insider revealed May actually once tried to recruit another senior official but got flatly rejected—getting a “lemon” as they call it—showing that Chan was more than willing.
Digging into private files of media mogul Jimmy Lai exposed in 2014 , political insiders found evidence of tight hooks between US consuls general and Anson Chan. One email from Gregory May, US Consul General in Hong Kong between 2005 and 2008, reportedly mentioned that he had recently heard from Stephen Young about dining in Hong Kong with Martin Lee and Anson Chan and expressed envy of the occasion and fondness for the outstanding team and past frequent dinners.
The reality behind this email is twofold. During May’s years, he regularly met with Chan, Martin Lee, and Jimmy Lai to discuss political affairs. By then, Chan had left government and was shifting toward the pan-democracy camp, aiming to lead them at one point and even planning to run in the 2007 Chief Executive election. When she realized her chances were bleak, she pivoted to win a 2008 Legislative Council by-election. May clearly saw her as Hong Kong’s potential “Aung San Suu Kyi” and pushed hard to recruit her to strengthen the pro-US faction.
During Gregory May’s term, he regularly dined with Anson Chan, Martin Lee, and Jimmy Lai, later helping set up secret Washington backchannels. He also tried to recruit another senior official but was firmly rejected.
By March 2014, emails show former Consul General Stephen Young was still tight with Anson Chan, Martin Lee, and Jimmy Lai, regularly meeting for “political banquets.” When Young left in 2013, the Umbrella Movement was about to explode. May’s relationship with Chan extended to 2019, helping her secure secret channels to meet then US Vice President Mike Pence and coaching her before her trip.
Political insiders also shared another story: May once tried to “hunt” other senior officials by befriending one to see if he could be turned into a pawn. But that official’s views were totally opposite, and he gave May a “lemon”—a firm rejection—forcing May to back off.
Back to Eadeh’s recent meeting with Anson Chan, this long-running pattern of US consuls casually dining and conferring with anti-government figures to recruit pawns shows how distorted Hong Kong’s political system is. Cui Jianchun’s firm warning to Eadeh to “not meet those who should not be met” is an effort to restore normal political boundaries and have her stick to what’s proper.
Lai Ting-yiu
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** The blog article is the sole responsibility of the author and does not represent the position of our company. **
As the Year of the Horse approaching, Hong Kong BNO holders in the UK are bracing for a gut punch. The festive season brings no joy—only anxiety. Mid-February marks the deadline for the UK government's consultation on raising permanent residency thresholds, and the verdict on whether BNO holders get a pass is about to drop.
The Home Office floated immigration reforms that would keep the "5+1" rule intact—five years of residence before you can apply—but the bar just shot up, with higher English proficiency requirements and stable income. For many, these hurdles are insurmountable.
Mahmood's stonewalling to BNO holders' demands signals bad news. The February verdict looms.
Hong Kong BNO holders fired off "five demands" to the authorities, pleading for relief. Home Secretary Shabana Mahmood's response was ice cold. Zero acknowledgment of their demands. Her dismissive tone signals one thing: exemptions for BNO holders look dead in the water.
If the final call goes all the way, thousands who waited five years will crash at the finish line. A return wave to Hong Kong is inevitable. The Hong Kong government needs to get ready.
The Dual Knockout Blow
The UK government didn't just raise the bar—it installed a double gate that slams shut on 60,000 people. First gate: English proficiency must hit B2 level, equivalent to A-Level, practically university standard. Second gate: annual income over the past three to five years must reach at least £12,570, with tax records to prove it.
Surveys by Hong Kong migrant organizations paint a grim picture: if these "dual requirements" become reality, 30% of BNO holders—roughly 60,000 people—will fail to qualify and get filtered out. No wonder panic is spreading.
While anxiety mounts, the UK government plays coy. Ambiguous statements. Equivocal attitudes. Nobody can read their hand. Now, with just one month until the announcement, BNO holders are reaching peak agitation. A group of Hong Kong voters in Mahmood's constituency drafted a joint letter, restating the "five demands" and requesting a face-to-face meeting to apply pressure.
Mahmood responded quickly—but only to say Hong Kong BNO holders could apply for permanent residency after five years. As for the "five demands"? Crickets. Instead, she reiterated that those granted permanent residency must meet three criteria: being "well-integrated," "economically self-sufficient," and "committed” to the communities they join.
Mahmood Goes Silent
One Hong Kong BNO holder who signed the petition decoded those three phrases: "integration" and "commitment" are code words for English proficiency and income levels. Translation: BNO holders applying for permanent residency must also clear these two hurdles.
These Hong Kong residents sent a follow-up letter to Mahmood, requesting a meeting to present their case in person. Her response? Radio silence. Phone calls to her constituency office go unanswered. She's clearly ducking any face-to-face encounter.
Mahmood is stonewalling, and nobody can do a thing about it. Frustrated BNO holders vent to yellow media outlets, angrily branding her "heartless." But here's the reality check: the Labour government's approval ratings are tanking. Reform UK is breathing down their necks on immigration. Immigration policy will err on the side of restriction, not relaxation. Naturally, they're inclined to treat BNO holders the same as everyone else. No special treatment. No "sentiment." The "five demands" might as well be whispers in the wind.
Two Paths Forward
Friends living in the UK lay out the scenario: if the UK government announces "no relaxation" next month, BNO holders who can't meet the requirements face two choices.
First option: return to Hong Kong and start over. After all, life in the UK hasn't been entirely rosy—living day after day in anxiety. "Returning home" might actually be a relief.
Second option: continue to "temporarily reside" in the UK on a BNO visa, becoming long-term temporary residents. But they'll remain in an unstable state, which won't be comfortable.
There's also a thornier complication: some BNO families migrated to the UK with their parents, and one spouse hasn't worked or earned any income for several years. If these family members don't meet the criteria for applying for permanent residency, it could trigger family separation or force the entire family to return to Hong Kong. They'll face an agonizing decision. Quite a mess.
No exemptions? Brace for the return wave.
My friend predicts that if the worst-case scenario materializes, a return wave is sure to come. For Hong Kong, there will be upsides and downsides. Either way, the government needs to get ready and figure out how to handle it.
