The newly minted US Consul General to Hong Kong, Julie Eadeh, stirred up a political hornet’s nest when she met with political adversary figure Anson Chan right after taking office. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ Hong Kong Commissioner Cui Jianchun quickly summoned Eadeh for a strict representation, laying down "four don’ts," one of which was “don’t meet people you shouldn’t meet.”
Private files show US consuls in Hong Kong repeatedly made efforts to recruit Anson Chan as a political pawn to boost pro-American influence.
Political insiders say this was a warning shot. Historically, US consuls openly courted anti-government activists like Chan, trying to recruit them as political pawns. Chan wasn’t just anyone—former US Consuls General Gregory May and Stephen Young both had close ties with her. One insider revealed May actually once tried to recruit another senior official but got flatly rejected—getting a “lemon” as they call it—showing that Chan was more than willing.
Digging into private files of media mogul Jimmy Lai exposed in 2014 , political insiders found evidence of tight hooks between US consuls general and Anson Chan. One email from Gregory May, US Consul General in Hong Kong between 2005 and 2008, reportedly mentioned that he had recently heard from Stephen Young about dining in Hong Kong with Martin Lee and Anson Chan and expressed envy of the occasion and fondness for the outstanding team and past frequent dinners.
The reality behind this email is twofold. During May’s years, he regularly met with Chan, Martin Lee, and Jimmy Lai to discuss political affairs. By then, Chan had left government and was shifting toward the pan-democracy camp, aiming to lead them at one point and even planning to run in the 2007 Chief Executive election. When she realized her chances were bleak, she pivoted to win a 2008 Legislative Council by-election. May clearly saw her as Hong Kong’s potential “Aung San Suu Kyi” and pushed hard to recruit her to strengthen the pro-US faction.
During Gregory May’s term, he regularly dined with Anson Chan, Martin Lee, and Jimmy Lai, later helping set up secret Washington backchannels. He also tried to recruit another senior official but was firmly rejected.
By March 2014, emails show former Consul General Stephen Young was still tight with Anson Chan, Martin Lee, and Jimmy Lai, regularly meeting for “political banquets.” When Young left in 2013, the Umbrella Movement was about to explode. May’s relationship with Chan extended to 2019, helping her secure secret channels to meet then US Vice President Mike Pence and coaching her before her trip.
Political insiders also shared another story: May once tried to “hunt” other senior officials by befriending one to see if he could be turned into a pawn. But that official’s views were totally opposite, and he gave May a “lemon”—a firm rejection—forcing May to back off.
Back to Eadeh’s recent meeting with Anson Chan, this long-running pattern of US consuls casually dining and conferring with anti-government figures to recruit pawns shows how distorted Hong Kong’s political system is. Cui Jianchun’s firm warning to Eadeh to “not meet those who should not be met” is an effort to restore normal political boundaries and have her stick to what’s proper.
Lai Ting-yiu
What Say You?
** The blog article is the sole responsibility of the author and does not represent the position of our company. **
Today, December 7, marks the second election since the Legislative Council finally got back on track. Today, I can’t shake the memory of how a "deformed democracy" ravaged this chamber for years. It was a malignancy—a tumor growing from within—that trapped us in endless chaos and nearly destroyed Hong Kong. This nightmare remains burned into my mind.
Let’s look at the receipts from those insane years. Three absurd realities prove how a tidal wave of radicalism washed away a functioning Council. First, post-"Occupy Central," a crop of "political stars" rode a wave of extremism to besiege LegCo, degrading election quality for years. Second, during the "Black Violence" era, District Councils devolved into a "destroyers' paradise" of unprecedented disorder. Third, to appease radical voters, Pan-democrats hijacked the House Committee election for six months, paralyzing governance. The Council became an endangered structure on the verge of collapse, dragging government operations down with it. Without the Central Government stepping in to restore order, Hong Kong was finished. To stop history from repeating, everyone needs to vote on December 7.
The truth is, this "deformed democracy" was rotting the soil of Hong Kong politics long before "Occupy Central." The British government deliberately planted "election landmines," allowing politicians using unorthodox methods to rise. They realized the game: be radical, be outrageous, be uncouth, and you get votes. Figures like Wong Yuk-man, Albert Chan, and "Long Hair" Leung Kwok-hung seized power this way. Once that door opened, the Council’s normal operations were destroyed, turning the chamber into a mud-wrestling pit.
That was just the prelude. The subversion peaked with the 6th Legislative Council election following the 2014 "Occupy Central" movement. Driven by a passion for "rebellion," masses of young people blindly voted for fresh faces who built their brands on radicalism, ignoring their complete lack of ability or track record. The result? First-time winners included "Localist" figures dripping with "Hong Kong Independence" sentiment like Baggio Leung and Yau Wai-ching, alongside "Occupy" student leader Nathan Law.
Oath-Taking Circus: Post-"Occupy" radicals Baggio Leung and Yau Wai-ching stormed the chamber advocating independence, turning solemn oaths into a disgraceful farce.
The "Open House" of Radical Chaos
Worse still, opportunists within the Pan-democrat camp saw this worked and jumped into the fray. The prime examples were the notoriously "uncouth and aggressive" Ted Hui and the self-proclaimed radical environmentalist Eddie Chu.
When Baggio Leung, Yau Wai-ching, and Nathan Law stormed the Council, political insiders told me the candidacy door had been flung too wide. It became an "unguarded open house"—easy to enter, hard to clear out—guaranteeing chaos. Fortunately, their greed for victory blinded them to the risks. They played games with their inaugural oaths, effectively playing themselves into a corner and getting disqualified (DQ).
Even after they were ousted, the "miracle" of their election accelerated the degradation of our politics. Fanatical voters continued to back incompetent politicians just to vent rebellious angst. Even younger members of the traditional Pan-democrats started acting out to cater to this new taste. Ted Hui is the textbook example: violently snatching a female civil servant's phone and throwing foul-smelling filth in the Chamber. It became a competition of who could be the most radical, obstructing bills and making livelihood administration nearly impossible.
By 2019, when the anti-extradition bill unrest broke out, the Council became a disaster zone. Then came the second absurdity. During the November District Council elections, held amidst turmoil, radical candidates swarmed to grab seats. At the same time, "black-clad people" physically attacked Establishment opponents with beatings, arson, and intimidation. They won the majority, reducing the District Councils to a "destroyers' paradise." Long-serving community councilors were wiped out, marking an unprecedented and unbearable degradation of our institutions.
Filth in the Chamber: "Uncouth" politician Ted Hui proved his disruptive intent by literally throwing foul-smelling rot during a Council meeting.
Paralyzing the System From Within
Inside LegCo, Pan-democrats brought the street riots into the Chamber, competing to perform "radical shows." The most absurd spectacle was Civic Party member Dennis Kwok holding the House Committee Chairman election hostage. He "played games" for over half a year. Sixteen meetings passed without electing a chairman, blocking massive amounts of government bills. Forced by the situation, even moderate Pan-democrats joined the madness, turning the Chamber into a real-life version of "One Flew Over the Cuckoo's Nest."
Recently, some claim the reformed Legislative Council has lost its monitoring function. This is 100% a fallacy. The Council back then was thoroughly wrecked; normal operations were paralyzed. What monitoring was there? Government administration was dragged down, pushing us to the brink of "mutual destruction" (laam caau).
Thankfully, the Central Government stepped in at the critical moment to pull the Council back on the right track. If "deformed democracy" had continued, Hong Kong would have derailed and fallen off a cliff, destroyed in a single day.
To prevent this painful history from repeating, everyone must vote enthusiastically on December 7. Support the Legislative Council moving forward on the correct track.
Lai Ting-yiu
