Trump's War on Foreign Students Is a Gift to Hong Kong

You'd think Donald Trump is a genius, always looking for ways to give the US an edge. But the reality is, many of his policies—both at home and abroad—have ended up being a massive boost for China. That's why he's earned the nickname "川建國" (Chuan Jianguo), or "Trump Builds China." And now, it seems Hong Kong is also cashing in on his moves, making "川建港" (Chuan Jiangang), or "Trump Builds Hong Kong," just as fitting.
 
His latest stunt? A crude crackdown on foreign students that has sent shockwaves through US universities. Fall enrollment has plummeted, with the number of Chinese students dropping by 12%. This has choked off a vital revenue stream for many institutions, forcing them to slash salaries and staff just to stay afloat.
 
Meanwhile, Hong Kong is doing the exact opposite. By throwing its doors wide open, it's attracting students from the mainland and beyond who are now thinking twice about the US. This isn't just a win for the universities' bank accounts; it's a shot in the arm for the entire economy. So, yes, we really have "Chuan Jiangang" to thank for this unexpected windfall.

Thanks, Trump: As the US slams its doors, mainland students are flocking to Hong Kong.

A Campaign of Control

Right after taking office, Trump launched an iron-fisted campaign to whip everyone into line, from the government and military to intelligence agencies and the judiciary. Universities quickly became a prime target.
 
After a drawn-out battle to bring Harvard to heel, he issued a memorandum last week called the "Compact for Academic Excellence in Higher Education" to nine top universities, including MIT.
 
The deal? Follow the government's "ideological guidelines" to control student thought and cap foreign undergraduate enrollment at 15%. In return, universities get to keep their federal funding and research grants—a blatant case of using cash to buy compliance.
 
Even before this 15% cap, US media reported that Trump was already using every trick in the book to keep foreign students out. We're talking delayed visas, restricted visa numbers, and intense scrutiny of applicants. Add to that the government's move to expel students who participated in protests, and it's no surprise that many who had their sights set on the US are now looking elsewhere.
 
The Numbers Don't Lie

The latest data from the U.S. International Trade Administration (ITA) paints a grim picture. August is usually the peak season for foreign students arriving in the US, but this year, only 313,000 entered on visas—a staggering 19% drop from last year. Asian students, who have long been the majority, saw the steepest decline of 24%, falling to just 191,000. Within that group, the number of Indian students plummeted by 44%, and Chinese students were down 12%.
 
For many American universities, international students are a financial lifeline. This sharp decline in enrollment has hit them hard and fast, plunging them into a financial crisis. Reuters spoke to 10 universities, and every single one reported a drop in foreign students, with one seeing a 19% decrease. With tuition income drying up, some schools have been forced to make drastic cuts just to survive.
 
Take DePaul University in Chicago, a private institution that saw 755 fewer foreign students this year, a 30% reduction. Facing a deficit, it had to slash spending, cut executive pay, lay off staff, and freeze hiring. It's a story playing out across the country. At least 35 institutions have had to lower their budgets, and the University of Southern California has cut 630 positions. It's a scene of widespread misery.
 
America's Loss, Hong Kong's Gain

Trump has his own twisted logic for this "expulsion" policy. He thinks that by reducing the number of foreign students, he's creating more spaces for America's own "excellent students," completely ignoring the economic fallout.
 
The truth is, foreign students are big business. It's predicted that the 30% to 40% drop in international students this fall will result in a $7 billion economic loss and 60,000 fewer jobs. And that doesn't even touch on the decline in foreign graduate students, which will cripple research in many fields and ultimately weaken America's economic strength.
 
While US universities are left high and dry by Trump, Hong Kong is reaping the rewards. In recent years, the Hong Kong government has gone in the opposite direction, boosting the proportion of non-local students in government-funded universities to 40% in the 2024-25 academic year, with 26,600 students currently enrolled. Next year, that figure will rise to 50%, opening the floodgates.
 
Friends in the education sector tell me that some mainland students, spooked by Trump's harsh policies, have scrapped their plans to study in the US and are coming to Hong Kong instead. As a result, applications from non-local students are surging at all universities. HKUST and PolyU each received over 20,000 applications, and even a private institution like Hang Seng University saw over 10,000. Once the university town in the Northern Metropolis is complete, the number of non-local students is set to skyrocket.

The Trump Effect: US universities face financial ruin as foreign students flee his crude "expulsion" tactics.

A Bright Future for Hong Kong

The more the US tightens its grip, the more Hong Kong's education industry thrives, and the economic benefits are already clear. A UBS report out today predicts that between 2029 and 2030, the number of non-local university students will hit 140,000. To tackle the housing shortage, the government is encouraging hotels to convert into student dorms, which is great news for hotel operators. The sustained demand for private rentals will also give the property market a healthy boost.
 
While US universities are being wrecked by Trump, shrouded in gloom, Hong Kong's institutions are looking at a bright future. For that, we really have to say a big thank you to "Chuan Jiangang."
  
Lai Ting-yiu

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** The blog article is the sole responsibility of the author and does not represent the position of our company. **

Today, December 7, marks the second election since the Legislative Council finally got back on track. Today, I can’t shake the memory of how a "deformed democracy" ravaged this chamber for years. It was a malignancy—a tumor growing from within—that trapped us in endless chaos and nearly destroyed Hong Kong. This nightmare remains burned into my mind.
 
Let’s look at the receipts from those insane years. Three absurd realities prove how a tidal wave of radicalism washed away a functioning Council. First, post-"Occupy Central," a crop of "political stars" rode a wave of extremism to besiege LegCo, degrading election quality for years. Second, during the "Black Violence" era, District Councils devolved into a "destroyers' paradise" of unprecedented disorder. Third, to appease radical voters, Pan-democrats hijacked the House Committee election for six months, paralyzing governance. The Council became an endangered structure on the verge of collapse, dragging government operations down with it. Without the Central Government stepping in to restore order, Hong Kong was finished. To stop history from repeating, everyone needs to vote on December 7.
  
The truth is, this "deformed democracy" was rotting the soil of Hong Kong politics long before "Occupy Central." The British government deliberately planted "election landmines," allowing politicians using unorthodox methods to rise. They realized the game: be radical, be outrageous, be uncouth, and you get votes. Figures like Wong Yuk-man, Albert Chan, and "Long Hair" Leung Kwok-hung seized power this way. Once that door opened, the Council’s normal operations were destroyed, turning the chamber into a mud-wrestling pit.
  
That was just the prelude. The subversion peaked with the 6th Legislative Council election following the 2014 "Occupy Central" movement. Driven by a passion for "rebellion," masses of young people blindly voted for fresh faces who built their brands on radicalism, ignoring their complete lack of ability or track record. The result? First-time winners included "Localist" figures dripping with "Hong Kong Independence" sentiment like Baggio Leung and Yau Wai-ching, alongside "Occupy" student leader Nathan Law.

Oath-Taking Circus: Post-"Occupy" radicals Baggio Leung and Yau Wai-ching stormed the chamber advocating independence, turning solemn oaths into a disgraceful farce.

The "Open House" of Radical Chaos
Worse still, opportunists within the Pan-democrat camp saw this worked and jumped into the fray. The prime examples were the notoriously "uncouth and aggressive" Ted Hui and the self-proclaimed radical environmentalist Eddie Chu.
  
When Baggio Leung, Yau Wai-ching, and Nathan Law stormed the Council, political insiders told me the candidacy door had been flung too wide. It became an "unguarded open house"—easy to enter, hard to clear out—guaranteeing chaos. Fortunately, their greed for victory blinded them to the risks. They played games with their inaugural oaths, effectively playing themselves into a corner and getting disqualified (DQ).
  
Even after they were ousted, the "miracle" of their election accelerated the degradation of our politics. Fanatical voters continued to back incompetent politicians just to vent rebellious angst. Even younger members of the traditional Pan-democrats started acting out to cater to this new taste. Ted Hui is the textbook example: violently snatching a female civil servant's phone and throwing foul-smelling filth in the Chamber. It became a competition of who could be the most radical, obstructing bills and making livelihood administration nearly impossible.
 
By 2019, when the anti-extradition bill unrest broke out, the Council became a disaster zone. Then came the second absurdity. During the November District Council elections, held amidst turmoil, radical candidates swarmed to grab seats. At the same time, "black-clad people" physically attacked Establishment opponents with beatings, arson, and intimidation. They won the majority, reducing the District Councils to a "destroyers' paradise." Long-serving community councilors were wiped out, marking an unprecedented and unbearable degradation of our institutions.

Filth in the Chamber: "Uncouth" politician Ted Hui proved his disruptive intent by literally throwing foul-smelling rot during a Council meeting.

Paralyzing the System From Within
Inside LegCo, Pan-democrats brought the street riots into the Chamber, competing to perform "radical shows." The most absurd spectacle was Civic Party member Dennis Kwok holding the House Committee Chairman election hostage. He "played games" for over half a year. Sixteen meetings passed without electing a chairman, blocking massive amounts of government bills. Forced by the situation, even moderate Pan-democrats joined the madness, turning the Chamber into a real-life version of "One Flew Over the Cuckoo's Nest."
  
Recently, some claim the reformed Legislative Council has lost its monitoring function. This is 100% a fallacy. The Council back then was thoroughly wrecked; normal operations were paralyzed. What monitoring was there? Government administration was dragged down, pushing us to the brink of "mutual destruction" (laam caau).
  
Thankfully, the Central Government stepped in at the critical moment to pull the Council back on the right track. If "deformed democracy" had continued, Hong Kong would have derailed and fallen off a cliff, destroyed in a single day.
 
To prevent this painful history from repeating, everyone must vote enthusiastically on December 7. Support the Legislative Council moving forward on the correct track.

Lai Ting-yiu