Canada’s big “lifeboat” promise to Hong Kong people is sinking fast—and thousands are left stranded in limbo. Ottawa’s political whiplash means permanent residency now comes with a decade-long wait, trapping Hong Kong people and BNO holders alike in uncertainty.
How did this mess unfold? The evidence shows that Canada’s humanitarian pledges quickly collide with politics, and it’s the Hong Kong applicants who end up suffering most.
Canada’s budget slashes permanent residents quotas again — “Lifeboat” Hong Kong people are expected to face a 10-year wait. Local HK groups urged the authority to speed up processing, but all pleas ignored.
Canada once boasted of being an immigrant haven under Trudeau, who threw open the doors to half a million newcomers each year. Predictably, social and economic headaches piled up—until Prime Minister Mark Carney took over the wheel and slammed the brakes. 
Today, a huge wave of Hong Kong people who moved to Canada find themselves stuck—trapped on the “lifeboat,” with no shoreline in sight. Complaints are everywhere. The big realization? Western governments love to preach about morals, but will flip their stance in a heartbeat if it suits their agenda. Still, let’s be blunt: this path was chosen freely. “Stuck on the boat” or not, blame rests with those who jumped aboard.
Look back at June 2020. After the Hong Kong National Security Law came in, western countries, under the banner of supporting Hong Kong people, made loud noises to disrupt Hong Kong. The British government launched its BNO relocation scheme, while Canada, never wanting to fall behind, rolled out its own “Permanent Residence Pathways for Hong Kong Residents” in 2021—letting Hong Kong people live temporarily and promising them a future in Canada, all while boasting about “saving” them from hardship.
It all sounded so upstanding—a rescue mission on paper, with official speeches to match. But the cheers didn’t last. When Trudeau flung open the doors, Canada saw a flood of newcomers: temporary residents jumped from 1.4 million in 2022 to over 3 million now, and permanent residency ranks swelled. Serious social and economic problems followed.
Suddenly, Ottawa reversed course. The government clamped down hard, tightening immigration rules. And while they were at it, they started dragging out “lifeboat” Hong Kong people’s permanent residency applications—queues now stretch forever, as if the aim was to squeeze out those who can’t endure.
Prime Minister Carney slams the brakes on immigration, leaving “Lifeboat” applications. in limbo. Some may have no choice but to bail.
Crackdown, Cutbacks, and Cruel Waits
Here’s what the numbers say: Over 30,000 Hong Kong people are temporarily living in Canada under the Lifeboat Scheme, but there are already more than 20,000 permanent residency applications stuck in limbo. Ottawa insists this is due to a general reduction—next year, only 5,800 spots will be shared among Hong Kong people, Ukrainians, and Sudanese. By 2027 and 2028, that number drops to just 4,000. It’s bare-knuckle competition for too little porridge, as quotas shrink and waits drag on endlessly.
The Toronto Star didn’t mince words: due to government cutbacks and the need to compete with Ukrainians and others, a new applicant from Hong Kong is now staring at a ten-year wait for permanent residency.
Ottawa keeps repeating it’ll “speed up processing,” but the evidence is clear: delays keep growing, not shrinking, and it’s hard to see this as anything but deliberate. The most farcical twist? Officials reportedly told applicants to go back to Hong Kong and “wait patiently,” knowing most won’t return.
Reality Check: Ottawa doesn’t care
For the Hong Kong people waiting, it’s a relentless grind. Many speak of crippling economic and mental stress, while Ottawa refuses to budge. The quotas for Hong Kong applicants? Not going up; preference is shown to Ukrainians instead. If applicants break and return home, that’s one less person for the officials to bother about—a cold calculation, but one that fits the facts.
At this rate, Hong Kong people in Canada face the same pain as BNO holders in the UK. Both groups are stuck waiting, clinging to the hope that policy will someday flip back. But that fantasy grows more distant by the day.
A sober take? This hope is wishful thinking. Both UK and Canadian governments are bowing to heavy populist pressure, and there’s no limit to how tight these policies might get. Instead of waiting for a miracle, Hong Kong people should be planning their next move now—because the West’s promises have proven to be nothing more than a moving target.
Lai Ting-yiu
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** The blog article is the sole responsibility of the author and does not represent the position of our company. **
Today, December 7, marks the second election since the Legislative Council finally got back on track. Today, I can’t shake the memory of how a "deformed democracy" ravaged this chamber for years. It was a malignancy—a tumor growing from within—that trapped us in endless chaos and nearly destroyed Hong Kong. This nightmare remains burned into my mind.
Let’s look at the receipts from those insane years. Three absurd realities prove how a tidal wave of radicalism washed away a functioning Council. First, post-"Occupy Central," a crop of "political stars" rode a wave of extremism to besiege LegCo, degrading election quality for years. Second, during the "Black Violence" era, District Councils devolved into a "destroyers' paradise" of unprecedented disorder. Third, to appease radical voters, Pan-democrats hijacked the House Committee election for six months, paralyzing governance. The Council became an endangered structure on the verge of collapse, dragging government operations down with it. Without the Central Government stepping in to restore order, Hong Kong was finished. To stop history from repeating, everyone needs to vote on December 7.
The truth is, this "deformed democracy" was rotting the soil of Hong Kong politics long before "Occupy Central." The British government deliberately planted "election landmines," allowing politicians using unorthodox methods to rise. They realized the game: be radical, be outrageous, be uncouth, and you get votes. Figures like Wong Yuk-man, Albert Chan, and "Long Hair" Leung Kwok-hung seized power this way. Once that door opened, the Council’s normal operations were destroyed, turning the chamber into a mud-wrestling pit.
That was just the prelude. The subversion peaked with the 6th Legislative Council election following the 2014 "Occupy Central" movement. Driven by a passion for "rebellion," masses of young people blindly voted for fresh faces who built their brands on radicalism, ignoring their complete lack of ability or track record. The result? First-time winners included "Localist" figures dripping with "Hong Kong Independence" sentiment like Baggio Leung and Yau Wai-ching, alongside "Occupy" student leader Nathan Law.
Oath-Taking Circus: Post-"Occupy" radicals Baggio Leung and Yau Wai-ching stormed the chamber advocating independence, turning solemn oaths into a disgraceful farce.
The "Open House" of Radical Chaos
Worse still, opportunists within the Pan-democrat camp saw this worked and jumped into the fray. The prime examples were the notoriously "uncouth and aggressive" Ted Hui and the self-proclaimed radical environmentalist Eddie Chu.
When Baggio Leung, Yau Wai-ching, and Nathan Law stormed the Council, political insiders told me the candidacy door had been flung too wide. It became an "unguarded open house"—easy to enter, hard to clear out—guaranteeing chaos. Fortunately, their greed for victory blinded them to the risks. They played games with their inaugural oaths, effectively playing themselves into a corner and getting disqualified (DQ).
Even after they were ousted, the "miracle" of their election accelerated the degradation of our politics. Fanatical voters continued to back incompetent politicians just to vent rebellious angst. Even younger members of the traditional Pan-democrats started acting out to cater to this new taste. Ted Hui is the textbook example: violently snatching a female civil servant's phone and throwing foul-smelling filth in the Chamber. It became a competition of who could be the most radical, obstructing bills and making livelihood administration nearly impossible.
By 2019, when the anti-extradition bill unrest broke out, the Council became a disaster zone. Then came the second absurdity. During the November District Council elections, held amidst turmoil, radical candidates swarmed to grab seats. At the same time, "black-clad people" physically attacked Establishment opponents with beatings, arson, and intimidation. They won the majority, reducing the District Councils to a "destroyers' paradise." Long-serving community councilors were wiped out, marking an unprecedented and unbearable degradation of our institutions.
Filth in the Chamber: "Uncouth" politician Ted Hui proved his disruptive intent by literally throwing foul-smelling rot during a Council meeting.
Paralyzing the System From Within
Inside LegCo, Pan-democrats brought the street riots into the Chamber, competing to perform "radical shows." The most absurd spectacle was Civic Party member Dennis Kwok holding the House Committee Chairman election hostage. He "played games" for over half a year. Sixteen meetings passed without electing a chairman, blocking massive amounts of government bills. Forced by the situation, even moderate Pan-democrats joined the madness, turning the Chamber into a real-life version of "One Flew Over the Cuckoo's Nest."
Recently, some claim the reformed Legislative Council has lost its monitoring function. This is 100% a fallacy. The Council back then was thoroughly wrecked; normal operations were paralyzed. What monitoring was there? Government administration was dragged down, pushing us to the brink of "mutual destruction" (laam caau).
Thankfully, the Central Government stepped in at the critical moment to pull the Council back on the right track. If "deformed democracy" had continued, Hong Kong would have derailed and fallen off a cliff, destroyed in a single day.
To prevent this painful history from repeating, everyone must vote enthusiastically on December 7. Support the Legislative Council moving forward on the correct track.
Lai Ting-yiu
