Nancy Pelosi just announced she's stepping down, and Trump's calling it a national blessing. The "evil woman” is gone, he says—clapping his hands together. I rarely agree with Trump's bombast, but on this? He's dead right. Hong Kong has paid the price for Pelosi's meddling for decades. She orchestrated chaos from both center stage and the shadows during every major upheaval. Her partnership with Anson Chan ran especially deep, making Pelosi Chan's critical Washington operative. Dig into Regina Ip's past interviews about government insiders, and you'll find these two women's connection stretches back three decades—before the Handover even happened.
Anson Chan and Martin Lee met Pelosi in Washington, 2014—four months before Occupy chaos erupted.
The Pattern Repeats Itself
Pelosi dominated the Democratic Party's core leadership for years. When Democrats held the House majority, she became Speaker—and she knew how to work the system. Her power was undeniable. She spent decades interfering in Hong Kong's internal affairs, cultivating relationships with opposition figures. Her bond with Anson Chan stood out: secret communications that later turned into open endorsements.
Check Chan's movements before Occupy Central and the 2019 anti-extradition law protests. The same pattern emerges twice: Chan led pan-democratic members to Washington, meeting Pelosi each time. In April 2014, as Occupy Central was about to erupt and government confrontation loomed, Chan and Martin Lee flew to Washington. They met Vice President Biden and held closed-door talks with Pelosi. Leaked reports afterward confirmed Pelosi urged the opposition to confront Beijing for "greater freedom." Four months later, the 79-day Occupy chaos began.
Five years later, in March 2019, as Hong Kong's anti-extradition law turmoil was building, Chan returned to Washington with Dennis Kwok and Charles Mok. Once again, she met Pelosi to discuss Hong Kong's situation in detail. Pelosi was House Speaker then, and she didn't mince words: Beijing was intensifying its interference in Hong Kong affairs, and Democrats were more committed than ever to supporting Hong Kong people's fight for democratic universal suffrage. The color revolution blueprint was already unfolding.
Patten's Parting Gift
Pelosi's special meetings with Chan before both major Hong Kong upheavals raise questions. The timing isn't coincidental—it reveals their relationship ran far deeper than public appearances suggested. In an interview years ago where Regina Ip shared government insider details, she disclosed that Chan and Pelosi's connection began before the Handover.
Last Governor Chris Patten aggressively promoted Chan to Chief Secretary and deliberately paved her way into American political circles. When Hong Kong needed to lobby Washington to maintain Most Favored Nation status, Patten specifically designated Chan to lead the effort. He arranged through the British embassy in Washington for her to befriend the capital's power brokers. That's when she met Pelosi.
According to Ip, when Pelosi later visited Hong Kong, Chan specifically invited her to a dinner gathering at the Chief Secretary's official residence on Victoria Peak. Born the same year and sharing similar viewpoints, they clicked immediately. Ip, then acting Secretary for Trade and Industry, was present that day and witnessed the two women gazing out at Victoria Harbour over afternoon tea. Pelosi clearly showed deep affection for Chan, and from that moment, they developed a lasting relationship.
2019: Pelosi backed Chan's power grab before calling street violence "a beautiful sight to behold."
The Orchestrator Exits
When Chan suddenly retired early and left the government in 2001, the pan-democrats hailed her as their "common leader." Leveraging her Pelosi connection, she established a direct channel between the opposition and American political circles. By 2019, when Hong Kong erupted in black violence chaos, Pelosi openly supported violent resistance, bizarrely calling the street vandalism and arson "a beautiful sight to behold." Her evil intentions were fully exposed.
Now this "evil woman" has finally stepped off the stage, and Chan has lost her last patron in American politics. The era these two women represented has ended—something Hong Kong should absolutely celebrate.
What Say You?
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Today, December 7, marks the second election since the Legislative Council finally got back on track. Today, I can’t shake the memory of how a "deformed democracy" ravaged this chamber for years. It was a malignancy—a tumor growing from within—that trapped us in endless chaos and nearly destroyed Hong Kong. This nightmare remains burned into my mind.
Let’s look at the receipts from those insane years. Three absurd realities prove how a tidal wave of radicalism washed away a functioning Council. First, post-"Occupy Central," a crop of "political stars" rode a wave of extremism to besiege LegCo, degrading election quality for years. Second, during the "Black Violence" era, District Councils devolved into a "destroyers' paradise" of unprecedented disorder. Third, to appease radical voters, Pan-democrats hijacked the House Committee election for six months, paralyzing governance. The Council became an endangered structure on the verge of collapse, dragging government operations down with it. Without the Central Government stepping in to restore order, Hong Kong was finished. To stop history from repeating, everyone needs to vote on December 7.
The truth is, this "deformed democracy" was rotting the soil of Hong Kong politics long before "Occupy Central." The British government deliberately planted "election landmines," allowing politicians using unorthodox methods to rise. They realized the game: be radical, be outrageous, be uncouth, and you get votes. Figures like Wong Yuk-man, Albert Chan, and "Long Hair" Leung Kwok-hung seized power this way. Once that door opened, the Council’s normal operations were destroyed, turning the chamber into a mud-wrestling pit.
That was just the prelude. The subversion peaked with the 6th Legislative Council election following the 2014 "Occupy Central" movement. Driven by a passion for "rebellion," masses of young people blindly voted for fresh faces who built their brands on radicalism, ignoring their complete lack of ability or track record. The result? First-time winners included "Localist" figures dripping with "Hong Kong Independence" sentiment like Baggio Leung and Yau Wai-ching, alongside "Occupy" student leader Nathan Law.
Oath-Taking Circus: Post-"Occupy" radicals Baggio Leung and Yau Wai-ching stormed the chamber advocating independence, turning solemn oaths into a disgraceful farce.
The "Open House" of Radical Chaos
Worse still, opportunists within the Pan-democrat camp saw this worked and jumped into the fray. The prime examples were the notoriously "uncouth and aggressive" Ted Hui and the self-proclaimed radical environmentalist Eddie Chu.
When Baggio Leung, Yau Wai-ching, and Nathan Law stormed the Council, political insiders told me the candidacy door had been flung too wide. It became an "unguarded open house"—easy to enter, hard to clear out—guaranteeing chaos. Fortunately, their greed for victory blinded them to the risks. They played games with their inaugural oaths, effectively playing themselves into a corner and getting disqualified (DQ).
Even after they were ousted, the "miracle" of their election accelerated the degradation of our politics. Fanatical voters continued to back incompetent politicians just to vent rebellious angst. Even younger members of the traditional Pan-democrats started acting out to cater to this new taste. Ted Hui is the textbook example: violently snatching a female civil servant's phone and throwing foul-smelling filth in the Chamber. It became a competition of who could be the most radical, obstructing bills and making livelihood administration nearly impossible.
By 2019, when the anti-extradition bill unrest broke out, the Council became a disaster zone. Then came the second absurdity. During the November District Council elections, held amidst turmoil, radical candidates swarmed to grab seats. At the same time, "black-clad people" physically attacked Establishment opponents with beatings, arson, and intimidation. They won the majority, reducing the District Councils to a "destroyers' paradise." Long-serving community councilors were wiped out, marking an unprecedented and unbearable degradation of our institutions.
Filth in the Chamber: "Uncouth" politician Ted Hui proved his disruptive intent by literally throwing foul-smelling rot during a Council meeting.
Paralyzing the System From Within
Inside LegCo, Pan-democrats brought the street riots into the Chamber, competing to perform "radical shows." The most absurd spectacle was Civic Party member Dennis Kwok holding the House Committee Chairman election hostage. He "played games" for over half a year. Sixteen meetings passed without electing a chairman, blocking massive amounts of government bills. Forced by the situation, even moderate Pan-democrats joined the madness, turning the Chamber into a real-life version of "One Flew Over the Cuckoo's Nest."
Recently, some claim the reformed Legislative Council has lost its monitoring function. This is 100% a fallacy. The Council back then was thoroughly wrecked; normal operations were paralyzed. What monitoring was there? Government administration was dragged down, pushing us to the brink of "mutual destruction" (laam caau).
Thankfully, the Central Government stepped in at the critical moment to pull the Council back on the right track. If "deformed democracy" had continued, Hong Kong would have derailed and fallen off a cliff, destroyed in a single day.
To prevent this painful history from repeating, everyone must vote enthusiastically on December 7. Support the Legislative Council moving forward on the correct track.
Lai Ting-yiu
