Nancy Pelosi just announced she's stepping down, and Trump's calling it a national blessing. The "evil woman” is gone, he says—clapping his hands together. I rarely agree with Trump's bombast, but on this? He's dead right. Hong Kong has paid the price for Pelosi's meddling for decades. She orchestrated chaos from both center stage and the shadows during every major upheaval. Her partnership with Anson Chan ran especially deep, making Pelosi Chan's critical Washington operative. Dig into Regina Ip's past interviews about government insiders, and you'll find these two women's connection stretches back three decades—before the Handover even happened.
Anson Chan and Martin Lee met Pelosi in Washington, 2014—four months before Occupy chaos erupted.
The Pattern Repeats Itself
Pelosi dominated the Democratic Party's core leadership for years. When Democrats held the House majority, she became Speaker—and she knew how to work the system. Her power was undeniable. She spent decades interfering in Hong Kong's internal affairs, cultivating relationships with opposition figures. Her bond with Anson Chan stood out: secret communications that later turned into open endorsements.
Check Chan's movements before Occupy Central and the 2019 anti-extradition law protests. The same pattern emerges twice: Chan led pan-democratic members to Washington, meeting Pelosi each time. In April 2014, as Occupy Central was about to erupt and government confrontation loomed, Chan and Martin Lee flew to Washington. They met Vice President Biden and held closed-door talks with Pelosi. Leaked reports afterward confirmed Pelosi urged the opposition to confront Beijing for "greater freedom." Four months later, the 79-day Occupy chaos began.
Five years later, in March 2019, as Hong Kong's anti-extradition law turmoil was building, Chan returned to Washington with Dennis Kwok and Charles Mok. Once again, she met Pelosi to discuss Hong Kong's situation in detail. Pelosi was House Speaker then, and she didn't mince words: Beijing was intensifying its interference in Hong Kong affairs, and Democrats were more committed than ever to supporting Hong Kong people's fight for democratic universal suffrage. The color revolution blueprint was already unfolding.
Patten's Parting Gift
Pelosi's special meetings with Chan before both major Hong Kong upheavals raise questions. The timing isn't coincidental—it reveals their relationship ran far deeper than public appearances suggested. In an interview years ago where Regina Ip shared government insider details, she disclosed that Chan and Pelosi's connection began before the Handover.
Last Governor Chris Patten aggressively promoted Chan to Chief Secretary and deliberately paved her way into American political circles. When Hong Kong needed to lobby Washington to maintain Most Favored Nation status, Patten specifically designated Chan to lead the effort. He arranged through the British embassy in Washington for her to befriend the capital's power brokers. That's when she met Pelosi.
According to Ip, when Pelosi later visited Hong Kong, Chan specifically invited her to a dinner gathering at the Chief Secretary's official residence on Victoria Peak. Born the same year and sharing similar viewpoints, they clicked immediately. Ip, then acting Secretary for Trade and Industry, was present that day and witnessed the two women gazing out at Victoria Harbour over afternoon tea. Pelosi clearly showed deep affection for Chan, and from that moment, they developed a lasting relationship.
2019: Pelosi backed Chan's power grab before calling street violence "a beautiful sight to behold."
The Orchestrator Exits
When Chan suddenly retired early and left the government in 2001, the pan-democrats hailed her as their "common leader." Leveraging her Pelosi connection, she established a direct channel between the opposition and American political circles. By 2019, when Hong Kong erupted in black violence chaos, Pelosi openly supported violent resistance, bizarrely calling the street vandalism and arson "a beautiful sight to behold." Her evil intentions were fully exposed.
Now this "evil woman" has finally stepped off the stage, and Chan has lost her last patron in American politics. The era these two women represented has ended—something Hong Kong should absolutely celebrate.
What Say You?
** 博客文章文責自負,不代表本公司立場 **
Canada’s big “lifeboat” promise to Hong Kong people is sinking fast—and thousands are left stranded in limbo. Ottawa’s political whiplash means permanent residency now comes with a decade-long wait, trapping Hong Kong people and BNO holders alike in uncertainty.
How did this mess unfold? The evidence shows that Canada’s humanitarian pledges quickly collide with politics, and it’s the Hong Kong applicants who end up suffering most.
Canada’s budget slashes permanent residents quotas again — “Lifeboat” Hong Kong people are expected to face a 10-year wait. Local HK groups urged the authority to speed up processing, but all pleas ignored.
Canada once boasted of being an immigrant haven under Trudeau, who threw open the doors to half a million newcomers each year. Predictably, social and economic headaches piled up—until Prime Minister Mark Carney took over the wheel and slammed the brakes. 
Today, a huge wave of Hong Kong people who moved to Canada find themselves stuck—trapped on the “lifeboat,” with no shoreline in sight. Complaints are everywhere. The big realization? Western governments love to preach about morals, but will flip their stance in a heartbeat if it suits their agenda. Still, let’s be blunt: this path was chosen freely. “Stuck on the boat” or not, blame rests with those who jumped aboard.
Look back at June 2020. After the Hong Kong National Security Law came in, western countries, under the banner of supporting Hong Kong people, made loud noises to disrupt Hong Kong. The British government launched its BNO relocation scheme, while Canada, never wanting to fall behind, rolled out its own “Permanent Residence Pathways for Hong Kong Residents” in 2021—letting Hong Kong people live temporarily and promising them a future in Canada, all while boasting about “saving” them from hardship.
It all sounded so upstanding—a rescue mission on paper, with official speeches to match. But the cheers didn’t last. When Trudeau flung open the doors, Canada saw a flood of newcomers: temporary residents jumped from 1.4 million in 2022 to over 3 million now, and permanent residency ranks swelled. Serious social and economic problems followed.
Suddenly, Ottawa reversed course. The government clamped down hard, tightening immigration rules. And while they were at it, they started dragging out “lifeboat” Hong Kong people’s permanent residency applications—queues now stretch forever, as if the aim was to squeeze out those who can’t endure.
Prime Minister Carney slams the brakes on immigration, leaving “Lifeboat” applications. in limbo. Some may have no choice but to bail.
Crackdown, Cutbacks, and Cruel Waits
Here’s what the numbers say: Over 30,000 Hong Kong people are temporarily living in Canada under the Lifeboat Scheme, but there are already more than 20,000 permanent residency applications stuck in limbo. Ottawa insists this is due to a general reduction—next year, only 5,800 spots will be shared among Hong Kong people, Ukrainians, and Sudanese. By 2027 and 2028, that number drops to just 4,000. It’s bare-knuckle competition for too little porridge, as quotas shrink and waits drag on endlessly.
The Toronto Star didn’t mince words: due to government cutbacks and the need to compete with Ukrainians and others, a new applicant from Hong Kong is now staring at a ten-year wait for permanent residency.
Ottawa keeps repeating it’ll “speed up processing,” but the evidence is clear: delays keep growing, not shrinking, and it’s hard to see this as anything but deliberate. The most farcical twist? Officials reportedly told applicants to go back to Hong Kong and “wait patiently,” knowing most won’t return.
Reality Check: Ottawa doesn’t care
For the Hong Kong people waiting, it’s a relentless grind. Many speak of crippling economic and mental stress, while Ottawa refuses to budge. The quotas for Hong Kong applicants? Not going up; preference is shown to Ukrainians instead. If applicants break and return home, that’s one less person for the officials to bother about—a cold calculation, but one that fits the facts.
At this rate, Hong Kong people in Canada face the same pain as BNO holders in the UK. Both groups are stuck waiting, clinging to the hope that policy will someday flip back. But that fantasy grows more distant by the day.
A sober take? This hope is wishful thinking. Both UK and Canadian governments are bowing to heavy populist pressure, and there’s no limit to how tight these policies might get. Instead of waiting for a miracle, Hong Kong people should be planning their next move now—because the West’s promises have proven to be nothing more than a moving target.
Lai Ting-yiu
