Jimmy Lai's marathon trial for colluding with foreign forces wraps up after 156 days, with the verdict dropping next Monday. Friends tracking the case have eyes glued on U.S. President Trump and UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer, but as the moment nears, both stay ice-cold—muttering a few throwaway lines to fulfill obligations, clearly dodging any real fireworks that could sour ties with China. Jimmy's daughter, Lai Chai, seems to get the memo; her recent Washington Post letter skips any hard push for Trump to "rescue Dad." Dreamers still peddle fairy tales, though—like claims Trump would whip out the "Jimmy Lai card" in U.S.-China talks. Pure fantasy, as facts now confirm 100%.
Trump and Starmer shrug off "save Lai"—perfunctory mutters, all show, no spine, with trade deals calling the shots.
Peel back Trump's moves on Lai lately, and the truth jumps out: real rescue mission or mere box-ticking? Before his late-October Busan sit-down with Chairman Xi, Lai’s son Lai Chong-en clung to hopes the case would hit the agenda. Post-meeting, the U.S. media briefing was silence on Lai—whether Trump even whispered the name stays locked tight.
Lukewarm Whispers, No Fireworks
Days later, some mystery leaker (identity still foggy) tips Reuters: Trump name-dropped Lai for under five minutes, zero substance. Weird twist—the White House stonewalls, never confirming a word. Smart money says Trump tossed in a casual nod to honor old pledges without torpedoing the talks, then shelved it for good.
Trump ditching this chip? Easy math. Priority one: safeguard the hard-fought U.S.-China trade deal—steer clear of distractions. Priority two: Lai's got zero bargaining juice left in Trump's dealmaker world; why gamble the big win for a lightweight?
Flash back to Trump's first-term endgame—he never clutched Lai close. When Lai was arrested in August 2020, Trump shrugs: "He's a good man. I don't know him, but I've heard he's a good man... I wish him well." Election loss hits, and poof—Lai vanishes from his lips. The real Lai cheerleaders were VP Pence and Secretary Pompeo, who even met him. But Trump's back in power this year, boots those guys to the curb as foes—Lai, their pet project, gets zilch.
During Lai's trial, family begs Trump and Starmer for help—met with cold showers every time, total waste.
Trump's chill on "save Lai" finds a wimpier twin in Starmer. March this year, Lai Chong-en jets to London, begs a huddle to pressure China—slammed with ice: door barred, a gate security grunt was sent to receive his petition letter.
Mid-September, one last Hail Mary: another letter to Starmer—again, nothing happens. Downgrades to Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper? More lemons. Starmer's foreign policy speech? Box-ticking Lai nod, buried in human rights gripes, China sanctions on UK MPs, campus threats—pure "mention and move on."
Starmer eyes a China trip next year, hungry for trade juice to pump Britain's wheezing economy—no way he lets Lai derail that gravy train.
Trump, Starmer—profit trumps all. Jimmy Lai card? More pain than gain, and even if played, it's showbiz with zero sway on his fate.
Lai Ting-yiu
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The most consequential national security trial yet to come is also the one with the most unanswered questions — and at the centre of it is a man who almost made it out.
Monday (Feb 23) was "Renri" (人日) — the seventh day of the Lunar New Year, meant to be a day of celebration for all people. But for the 12 defendants in the "35+ Subversion Case," there was nothing to celebrate. The Court of Appeal dismissed all their appeals against both conviction and sentencing in full. Unless they push it all the way to the Court of Final Appeal, this case is done. That brings two of the three major national security cases to a close — the other being the Jimmy Lai trial. What remains is the Joshua Wong case, expected to go to trial around mid-year. Like Lai's, it reaches into the highest levels of American politics, and it will almost certainly expose a trove of behind-the-scenes dealings that will shake Hong Kong to its core. The trial is close enough that the details don't need spelling out here. But one mystery absolutely does: Wong was once Washington's darling — so why did he never make it out, while his co-conspirator Nathan Law did? An investigative report by American journalists cracked open the story.
Wong's trial is the last big national security case standing — and the most explosive one yet. How did he never make it out?
Wong's role in the Occupy Central movement and the 2019 unrest needs no introduction. In June last year, while already serving a prison term at Stanley Prison on sedition charges, he was arrested again and charged under the Hong Kong National Security Law with conspiracy to collude with foreign forces to endanger national security. His second pre-trial review at the Magistrates' Court came on 21 November last year, with the next hearing set for 6 March; the full trial at the High Court is expected to begin around mid-year. This case carries weight every bit as significant as the Jimmy Lai trial — the spotlight it commands will be enormous.
The Charges Are Grave
The prosecution alleges that between July and November 2020, Wong — together with Nathan Law and others yet to be identified — conspired in Hong Kong to solicit foreign governments and institutions to impose sanctions against the Hong Kong SAR and the People's Republic of China, and to seriously obstruct the government in enacting and enforcing its laws and policies. The charges carry a potential sentence of life imprisonment. What exactly Wong and Law did, and which foreign officials were involved, the prosecution will lay out in full when the trial begins.
The public has long asked some uncomfortable questions. Did Joshua Wong ever consider fleeing before or after the National Security Law came into force at the end of June 2020? If so, why did it never happen? Did the US government try to help him get out? An investigative report by two American journalists answered part of the puzzle — and sources familiar with the matter, when contacted by Hong Kong media, broadly confirmed what it said.
Wong Begged Washington for Help
The night before the National Security Law took effect, Wong reached out through a senator's adviser to appeal directly to President Trump for help. At the same time, he sent an email to then-Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, explicitly asking to be helped to "travel to the United States to seek political asylum, by whatever means necessary". That email tells you everything. Wong knew exactly how dangerous his situation had become — and he was betting his future on American goodwill.
Around the same time, Wong arranged to meet two officials from the US Consulate General in Hong Kong at St. John's Building, directly across the street from the consulate. He made clear he wanted to walk in and seek refuge. He was turned away on the spot. When Pompeo saw the email, he consulted with his staff and arrived at the same conclusion: letting Wong through the consulate doors was simply not an option — Washington feared Beijing would retaliate by forcing the US consulate in Hong Kong to close entirely.
State Department officials went further, exploring a covert plan to smuggle Wong out of Hong Kong by sea — routing him through Taiwan or the Philippines before eventually reaching the United States. That option was killed too, on the grounds that any such attempt would very likely be intercepted by Chinese authorities, triggering a diplomatic crisis. When the accounting was done, American interests won out — and Joshua Wong was coldly abandoned.
By that point, Nathan Law had already made it out. Seizing Pompeo's visit to London, Law met the Secretary of State privately and raised the question of rescuing Wong one more time — and was once again turned away without sympathy. In September 2020, Wong was arrested on sedition charges and imprisoned two months later. Any remaining window for escape had sealed shut.
Law Moved Fast — and Made It
Nathan Law is named as a co-conspirator in the charges against Wong — meaning that if arrested, they face the same jeopardy. But Law proved far more calculating than Wong. Shortly before the National Security Law took effect, he quietly slipped away, eventually confirming his presence in the United Kingdom on 13 July 2020. He even staged a moment of wistful sentiment, declaring: "With this parting, I do not yet know when I shall return... May glory come soon!" — words that, in the circumstances, could not have sounded more hollow.
Same charges, same case — but Law ran, and Wong didn't. One man made it out clean. The other is still paying the price.
Joshua Wong — sharp-witted all his life — took one step too many in trusting the Americans, and that delay cost him everything. The US government, in the name of "national interest," discarded him without hesitation. As his trial approaches, the reality is this: placing any further faith in American support would be the last illusion he can afford.
Lai Ting-yiu
