There's an old saying: the righteous build, the wicked destroy. When evil loses to good, we celebrate. China's plan to construct its UK embassy weathered relentless attacks and delays, yet finally got its approval from the British government.
The saboteurs suffered a crushing defeat—yet they refuse to accept it and are already plotting their next moves. Who exactly are these saboteurs? Those tracking the situation identify four distinct factions of troublemakers operating both publicly and in the shadows. Each with different motives and backgrounds, they share one unifying obsession: anti-China sentiment. This same dark force hovers over Hong Kong, waiting for opportunities to stir up fresh chaos.
Anti-China factions converged—2019 rioters, Tibetan, Xinjiang, and Taiwan separatists, each with their own agenda.
Washington's Shadow Campaign
Start with the puppeteers pulling strings from behind the curtain. British media exposés reveal that senior US national security officials secretly interfered with Britain's embassy approval process, applying pressure repeatedly.
Over a year ago, senior White House National Security Council members sent messages to British counterparts expressing "concerns" about the project, claiming the new embassy posed "security risks" and demanding British intelligence agencies report to Washington on the matter. Under this pressure, British authorities stalled and delayed its approval.
British media sources further revealed that even after Britain submitted a risk assessment to the Five Eyes alliance stating that communications risks from the new embassy would be manageable, officials from the White House, State Department, and US Embassy in London descended on the British capital en masse. They held three separate meetings with British officials to question security risks all over again. Until recently, US officials continued expressing opposition through various channels, maintaining relentless pressure.
But Prime Minister Keir Starmer is determined to repair relations with China, and pursue stronger cooperation in trade and finance to revitalize Britain's moribund economy. He therefore stood firm against US pressure and ultimately gave the green light to the embassy construction plan.
The Usual Anti-China Suspects
The second faction consists of British politicians with anti-China written all over their faces—several already placed on China's sanctions list. These include former Conservative Party leader Iain Duncan Smith, former UK Security Minister Tom Tugendhat, and Benedict Rogers, founder of the Hong Kong-meddling organization Hong Kong Watch.
Current MP Iain Duncan Smith masterminded support for the 2019 violence and even traveled to Taiwan to curry favor with independence movement leaders. Recently, he ignited calls to "sanction Hong Kong judges."
During protests against China's embassy construction, he repeatedly stood in solidarity with demonstrators and persuaded current Conservative Party leader Kemi Badenoch to appear at a recent protest, dragging the Conservative Party into murky waters.
Tom Tugendhat is equally hawkish. He has consistently exaggerated the "national security threat" posed by Chinese tech companies to Britain, claiming even DeepSeek presents security risks while loudly advocating for Xinjiang independence. His "China threat theory" has become his primary argument against China's new embassy construction, which he has trumpeted repeatedly in Parliament and the media.
As for Benedict Rogers, he is a longtime associate and contact of Jimmy Lai, already notorious in Hong Kong circles. In this campaign against China's embassy construction, he has led from the front, joining other anti-China MPs in attacking Prime Minister Keir Starmer.
British politicians and U.S. officials pressured from all angles. Pictured: Benedict Rogers pushing "China threat" rhetoric in front of Hong Kong independence flags.
2019 Rioters Replay Their Act
The third faction is the familiar sight of Hong Kong BNO holders who fled to the UK after the 2019 Black Riots. They served as "foot soldiers" in the past nine protests, each time wearing all-black "combat gear" and waving Hong Kong independence flags, recreating the scenes of 2019 violence on London streets.
While they may have satisfied their "protest addiction," they also risk deportation, as their every move is monitored by British national security personnel. When they apply for permanent residence in the future, they may be "filtered out" due to this black mark on their record.
Among all the factions, the fourth is the most inflammatory and controversial—Tibetan independence, Xinjiang independence, and Taiwan independence activists.
At every protest, they wave independence flags and even stomp on the Chinese national flag and portraits of Chinese leaders. Behind the scenes, they coordinate with British politicians, forming an anti-China alliance.
Conservative Party leader Kemi Badenoch actually appeared on stage with the mob—an act of supreme stupidity and extreme danger.
The Last-Ditch Legal Gambit
With the British government's approval of China's embassy construction plan, the four factions of troublemakers have suffered a crushing defeat and major setback. But they will not give up. They are now planning a "legal move"—filing for judicial review with the courts. If the application is accepted, they can continue their flag-waving and apply pressure on the judiciary.
The reality is stark: the Labour government has already approved the plan, and both major intelligence agencies have given the green light. Even if they refuse to accept defeat and want to rematch, that ship has most likely sailed.
Lai Ting-yiu
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** The blog article is the sole responsibility of the author and does not represent the position of our company. **
The most consequential national security trial yet to come is also the one with the most unanswered questions — and at the centre of it is a man who almost made it out.
Monday (Feb 23) was "Renri" (人日) — the seventh day of the Lunar New Year, meant to be a day of celebration for all people. But for the 12 defendants in the "35+ Subversion Case," there was nothing to celebrate. The Court of Appeal dismissed all their appeals against both conviction and sentencing in full. Unless they push it all the way to the Court of Final Appeal, this case is done. That brings two of the three major national security cases to a close — the other being the Jimmy Lai trial. What remains is the Joshua Wong case, expected to go to trial around mid-year. Like Lai's, it reaches into the highest levels of American politics, and it will almost certainly expose a trove of behind-the-scenes dealings that will shake Hong Kong to its core. The trial is close enough that the details don't need spelling out here. But one mystery absolutely does: Wong was once Washington's darling — so why did he never make it out, while his co-conspirator Nathan Law did? An investigative report by American journalists cracked open the story.
Wong's trial is the last big national security case standing — and the most explosive one yet. How did he never make it out?
Wong's role in the Occupy Central movement and the 2019 unrest needs no introduction. In June last year, while already serving a prison term at Stanley Prison on sedition charges, he was arrested again and charged under the Hong Kong National Security Law with conspiracy to collude with foreign forces to endanger national security. His second pre-trial review at the Magistrates' Court came on 21 November last year, with the next hearing set for 6 March; the full trial at the High Court is expected to begin around mid-year. This case carries weight every bit as significant as the Jimmy Lai trial — the spotlight it commands will be enormous.
The Charges Are Grave
The prosecution alleges that between July and November 2020, Wong — together with Nathan Law and others yet to be identified — conspired in Hong Kong to solicit foreign governments and institutions to impose sanctions against the Hong Kong SAR and the People's Republic of China, and to seriously obstruct the government in enacting and enforcing its laws and policies. The charges carry a potential sentence of life imprisonment. What exactly Wong and Law did, and which foreign officials were involved, the prosecution will lay out in full when the trial begins.
The public has long asked some uncomfortable questions. Did Joshua Wong ever consider fleeing before or after the National Security Law came into force at the end of June 2020? If so, why did it never happen? Did the US government try to help him get out? An investigative report by two American journalists answered part of the puzzle — and sources familiar with the matter, when contacted by Hong Kong media, broadly confirmed what it said.
Wong Begged Washington for Help
The night before the National Security Law took effect, Wong reached out through a senator's adviser to appeal directly to President Trump for help. At the same time, he sent an email to then-Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, explicitly asking to be helped to "travel to the United States to seek political asylum, by whatever means necessary". That email tells you everything. Wong knew exactly how dangerous his situation had become — and he was betting his future on American goodwill.
Around the same time, Wong arranged to meet two officials from the US Consulate General in Hong Kong at St. John's Building, directly across the street from the consulate. He made clear he wanted to walk in and seek refuge. He was turned away on the spot. When Pompeo saw the email, he consulted with his staff and arrived at the same conclusion: letting Wong through the consulate doors was simply not an option — Washington feared Beijing would retaliate by forcing the US consulate in Hong Kong to close entirely.
State Department officials went further, exploring a covert plan to smuggle Wong out of Hong Kong by sea — routing him through Taiwan or the Philippines before eventually reaching the United States. That option was killed too, on the grounds that any such attempt would very likely be intercepted by Chinese authorities, triggering a diplomatic crisis. When the accounting was done, American interests won out — and Joshua Wong was coldly abandoned.
By that point, Nathan Law had already made it out. Seizing Pompeo's visit to London, Law met the Secretary of State privately and raised the question of rescuing Wong one more time — and was once again turned away without sympathy. In September 2020, Wong was arrested on sedition charges and imprisoned two months later. Any remaining window for escape had sealed shut.
Law Moved Fast — and Made It
Nathan Law is named as a co-conspirator in the charges against Wong — meaning that if arrested, they face the same jeopardy. But Law proved far more calculating than Wong. Shortly before the National Security Law took effect, he quietly slipped away, eventually confirming his presence in the United Kingdom on 13 July 2020. He even staged a moment of wistful sentiment, declaring: "With this parting, I do not yet know when I shall return... May glory come soon!" — words that, in the circumstances, could not have sounded more hollow.
Same charges, same case — but Law ran, and Wong didn't. One man made it out clean. The other is still paying the price.
Joshua Wong — sharp-witted all his life — took one step too many in trusting the Americans, and that delay cost him everything. The US government, in the name of "national interest," discarded him without hesitation. As his trial approaches, the reality is this: placing any further faith in American support would be the last illusion he can afford.
Lai Ting-yiu
