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Can we prevent the global fire next time?

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Can we prevent the global fire next time?
博客文章

博客文章

Can we prevent the global fire next time?

2021年04月07日 06:59 最後更新:07:00

Can we prevent the global fire next time?

APR 6, 2021 05:50 AM
Washington, DC
By SIMON JOHNSON

The writer, a former chief economist at the International Monetary Fund, is a professor at MIT's Sloan School of Management and a co-chair of the Covid-19 Policy Alliance. He is the co-author, with Jonathan Gruber, of Jump-Starting America: How Breakthrough Science Can Revive Economic Growth and the American Dream, and the co-author, with James Kwak, of 13 Bankers: The Wall Street Takeover and The Next Financial Meltdown. I find this article helpful in clearing the foggy horizon, you may see it as follows.


IN the immediate aftermath of the 2008 global financial crisis, measures were taken to prevent another potential systemic meltdown. The process of reform was contentious at the time, but the legislation and associated regulations that were adopted have held up remarkably well.

Twelve years later, in the face of the far-reaching damage wrought by the coronavirus pandemic in 2020, large private financial firms proved more resilient, and policymakers had sufficient political backing to take steps that helped stabilise the global economy, relative to what could have happened. And they are likely to put it on the road to recovery in 2021. So, what comes next?

With some countries beginning to get a handle on Covid-19, mostly through vaccination programmes, we can hope for another post-crisis reform phase, this time aimed at substantially reducing the probability of another global pandemic or similar public-health shock. But hope is not belief. Unfortunately, there are four reasons to think progress may be slower and more difficult than after the 2008 financial crisis.


First, we are not out of the woods yet. By mid-2009, the United States and the world economy had turned the corner on the global financial crisis, and the G-7 (and most of the G-20) could agree on the need for tighter financial sector regulation. By contrast, many countries around the world, including in Europe, are still struggling with the coronavirus.

It is hard to focus on a deep reform agenda with the crisis still raging and neighbours arguing about who has access to how much vaccine.

Second, not all countries shared the same experience this time around. In 2008-09, all countries in the world, almost without exception, were caught up in - or deeply worried about - some aspect of the financial panic that began on Wall Street. Global finance really does reach almost every corner of the globe. But when it came to the Covid-19 pandemic, some countries - most notably in East Asia - were better prepared and acted faster, thereby avoiding some of the most dire effects. China, for example, is unlikely to view post-pandemic policy requirements through the same lens as the US and most of Europe.

And yet, to prevent or mitigate pandemics requires truly global action. The 2008 financial crisis was primarily a trans-Atlantic phenomenon, with other countries dragged along. To fix the underlying problems - or at least to make them less likely to recur - called for real reform in the US, along with sufficient cooperation in Europe (particularly on rules such as equity capital requirements and how to treat cross-border derivative trading).

We have surely learned in the past year that new pathogens can develop anywhere and spread in unpredictable ways, and that we need a disease surveillance system that covers everyone on Earth. But this will be hard to build unless and until all governments make it a top share priority.

COST OF HEALTHCARE

Third, better public health costs real money. This is particularly true in the US, which has woefully under-invested in providing basic health care to residents. There are some glimmers of hope - including America's growing ability to scale up diagnostic testing, and the likelihood that some Covid-related technology will also help us grapple with other diseases. But who will pay for deploying these technology around the world, including in lower-income countries?

Lastly, there is a lot of high-frequency data about finance, whereas the global burden of disease is perceived only in much rougher terms. To be sure, not all relevant financial-sector data is easy for policymakers to access and understand.

Still, the situation in finance is much better than in public health, where one country's authorities (for example, the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention) have only very limited access to what is happening elsewhere with enough detail and timeliness to be useful.

For the US, the good news is that President Joe Biden's administration is addressing the country's own public health, providing a helpful initial fiscal boost to the economy, and laying the groundwork for a much-needed renewal of infrastructure investment, including (one hopes) everything needed to support stronger public health.

The administration also appears to understand that health policy is an important dimension of foreign policy. For example, helping countries to access a reliable vaccine can both help them to recover now and build the trust necessary for future cooperation in the never-ending fight against contagious disease.

Can we go even further and apply the lessons from the pandemic to climate change and the extreme weather that the world faces? Can we develop helpful technology to reduce risk, and build enough cooperation to deploy it - and pay for its use - around the world?

With the pandemic and the 2008 financial crisis, we waited until disaster struck before finally acting. When it comes to climate change, we do not have that luxury.

It is noteworthy that it says, "... 但對于冠病疫情,一些國家準備得更加充分,主要是東亞國家,準備充足丶行動迅速,從而避免了最糟糕的後果。比如,中國看待疫情后的政策要求的角度,就不可能和美國及大部分歐洲國家一樣.. ", true and founded, a pure scholar.

S. L. LI  Engineer
HKFDP




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香港的長期繁榮穩定有保障了

 

十三屆全國人大常委會第二十七次會議於3月30日審議通過關於修訂香港基本法附件一、附件二的議案,這使愛國者治港原則得到了重制度性的保障,預期香港特區政府也將做好本地相關法律的修訂工作。

香港市民都已看得到,內地大城市,比如:深圳丶上海丶北京丶廣州等的經濟實力GDP都超越了香港, 深圳的科創實力也超過了香港。根源是:回歸二十多年來,外國代理人在香港不斷鬥爭,想把香港作為傾覆內地政權的基地, 在激烈的2019年黑暴動亂期間,黎智英作為反中勢力的首領,公開發聲明指自己為美國而戰! 美國政府公開支持香港的黑暴,與暴徒站在一起,企圖使顏色革命實現。上些事實促使中央不得不在去年推出國安法,現在又進行完善香港選舉制度的決定。

全國人大常委會遵循法定程序,對基本法附件一和附件二進行修訂,體現了中央堅持和完善選舉制度,堵塞美國代理人顛覆香港政權的通道,維護香港繁榮穩定,符合我們市民的利益。因此,之前短短11天內,即有超過238萬市民通過街站簽名和網上聯署表達支持全人大的修法決定。此決定順應了香港期盼長治久安丶繁榮穩定的主流民意。

林鄭月娥行政長官和特區政府有關官員之前均堅定表態,將根據全國人大常委會修訂後的基本法附件一和附件二,全力以赴開展修改本地相關選舉法律的工作,我們對此表示支持。

過去一年多來香港社會由亂及治的重大轉折再次證明,國安法為維護國家安全和香港安寧提供法律根基且對黑暴勢力產生了強大的震懾力!而完善特區選舉制度為確保落實愛國者治港原則提供了制度保障,從而使香港的長期繁榮穩定也有了保障。

盧授 建築師
香港建設專業聯會理事